
Glass. 



Book ,£?.3f 









THE 

FRENCH COLONIAL QUESTION 

1789-1791 

Dealings of the Constituent Assembly With Problems 

Arising From the Revolution in the 

West Indies 



A THESIS 

Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School 

of Cornell University for the Degree of 

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY 



By 

MITCHELL BENNETT GARRETT, Ph.D. 
Professor of History in Saint Lawrence University 



GEORGE WAHR 
ANN" ARBOR, MICHIGAN 



FlU3 



EXPLANATION 

In 1910 the Faculty of the Graduate School of Cornell 
University awarded me the degree of Doctor of Philosophy 
for research work on a thesis entitled, Barnave in the Con- 
stituent Assembly ; but, in accordance with the rules of the 
Graduate School, the diploma was withheld until the thesis 
could be completed and fifty printed copies thereof depos- 
ited with the Dean. 

On the appearance in 1915 of the Life of Barnave by E. 
D. Bradby, I abandoned the plan of completing the thesis 
and contented myself with the expansion and publication 
of a single chapter of it, which has taken the title and form 
of the present study. 

At its meeting on October 23, 1918, the General Com- 
mittee of the Graduate School formally accepted the pres- 
ent study in lieu of the original thesis and voted that, on the 
deposit of fifty copies with the Dean, the diploma might 
be conferred. M. B. G. 

Canton, New York, 
November 18, 1918. 



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PREFACE 

Under the direction of the late Professor Ralph C. H. 
Catterall I began to make a study of Barnave's career in the 
Constituent Assembly to complete the requirements for the degree 
of Doctor of Philosophy. At the outset I was confronted with 
the necessity of making a rather intensive study of the early 
revolutionary period in order to give the biographical sketch an 
adequate historical setting. To compile a narrative of Barnave's 
daily deeds and speeches without sufficient explanation of what 
other men were doing and saying around him promised to be an 
idle undertaking. I needed to estimate Barnave's influence on 
the actions of the Constituent Assembly. With this task in view, 
therefore, I turned aside, after a few months of general investi- 
gation, to familiarize myself thoroughly with the work of the 
committee on colonies of which Barnave was reporter and most 
conspicuous member. My intention was to study afterwards 
other phases of Barnave's political activity in the same Intensive 
fashion and eventually to gather the results of my investigations 
into a complete biography. But that biography has now been 
written by another. The Life of Barnave (Oxford, 191 5, 2 vols.) 
by Miss E. D. Bradby has well-nigh exhausted the subject. 
Rather than to go gleaning after her I prefer to put together the 
best of my materials on the colonies and withdraw from the field. 

The French colonies in the West Indies, with which this 
study deals, have already attracted the attention of historians. 
The secondary works listed in my bibliography will indicate what 
has been done for the period of the Constituent Assembly. For 
the most part, however, historians have been interested primarily 
in the colonies as such and have not examined with painstaking 



iv PRBPACB 

care the records of the Constituent Assembly to discover the 
efforts of the national deputies at Paris to understand and redress 
the colonial grievances. This deficiency I have tried to supply. 
The failure of former writers to make this part of the story 
clear and accurate is my excuse for adding another book to 
the list. 

To the friends who have helped me I hereby acknowledge 
my obligations. Professor Charles O. Hardy, of Ottawa Uni- 
versity, who is making a study of the mulattoes in the West 
Indies, more than once placed valuable bits of information freely 
at my disposal. Professor Edward Raymond Turner, of the 
University of Michigan, read a part of my manuscript and from 
time to time gave me advice and encouragement. Professor 
Charles H. Hull, of Cornell University, read the entire manu- 
script and gave me a valuable suggestion which I tried to adopt. 
To Mr. Willard H. Austen, Librarian of Cornell University, I 
am especially grateful for many courtesies. He allowed me the 
freedom of the stacks and permitted me to collect all pertinent 
material in an alcove where I could work in peace and comfort. 
During my researches in the Archives Nationales, I was guided 
and assisted by Messrs. Waldo G. Leland and Abel Doysie, 
of the Carnegie Bureau for Historical Research. To all these 
friends I take pleasure in acknowledging my gratitude. 

Canton, New York. 



CONTENTS 

PAGE 

Preface; Hi 

CHAPTER I. 
Preliminary Dealings with the Colonial Problem .... i 

CHAPTER II. 
Adoption of a Colonial Policy 35 

CHAPTER III. 
Dissolution oe the Assembly of Saint Marc 58 

CHAPTER IV. 
The New Instruction 77 

CHAPTER V. 
Decisions of the Mulatto Question; Expose of Motives 98 

CHAPTER VI. 

Decision of the Mulatto Question Reversed 118 

Bibliography 135 

Index 161 



CHAPTER I. 
Preliminary Dealings With the Colonial Problem. 

"^ By 1789 the colonial empire of France had been reduced to 
scattered fragments. South of Newfoundland were the two 
small islands of Saint Pierre and Miquelon, inhabited by a few 
hundred Europeans engaged in cod-fishing. In the West Indies 
were Martinique, Guadeloupe, Tobago, Saint Lucia, and the 
French part of Santo Domingo or modern Haiti. Closely bound 
to this group by proximity of territory and similarity of in- 
stitutions was French Guiana on the continent of South America^ 
Across the sea on the western coast of Africa were Senegal, 
Saint Louis, Goree and Juda — mere factories to facilitate trade 
in slaves, ivory and caoutchouc. Beyond the Cape of Good Hope 
were the He de France and the He de Bourbon, of no great 
importance commercially, serving as ports of call between France 
and the Far East. In India were Pondicherry, Karikal and 
Yanaon upon the Coromandel, and Mahe upon the Malabar coast ; <- 
Avhile upon the banks of the Ganges was Chandernagore 1 . Nearly 
all these possessions were profoundly affected by the French 
Revolution, but in this study only those in the West Indies will 
be considered. 

^>The white population of these islands was divided into three 
general classes — the planters, the government officials, and the 
petits-blancs. A majority of the planters resided permanently in 
the colonies and exploited their wide acres of coffee and sugar- 
cane with slave labor; but a wealthy minority lived in France 

1 Statement of the Minister of Marine to the National Assembly. — 
Le Point du Jour (By Barere, started on June 19, 1870), no. 238. pp. 367- 
370. 






2 THE FRENCH COLONIAL QUESTION 

as absentee landlords and not infrequently contracted marriage 
alliances with impoverished noble families. The fact that one 
hundred fifty colonial proprietors sat in the Constituent Assembly 
as national deputies 2 may be cited as evidence of the number 
and political influence in the mother country of these colonial 
nabobs. The government officials were an arrant lot of "ar- 
bitrary soldiers, supercilious bureaucrats, and pedantic lawyers" 3 
sent out from Europe to bear sway over the King's dominions 
beyond the sea. Contemptuous and disdainful of all things pro- 
vincial, they formed a caste apart. The petits-blancs, or "mean 
whites", were small traders, adventurers and nondescripts in the 
cities, and slave overseers and mechanics in the country — all 
men of shady character and noted for their brutality, their law- 
lessness and their hatred of the colored race. 4 

Likewise the colored population was divided into three 
classes — the mulattoes, the free blacks and the slaves. The mu- 
lattoes numbered about forty thousand against about eighty-three 
thousand whites^ and in some cases they had considerable wealth 6 

3 Journal des' Ewts-generaux (By 'Lehodey de Saultchevreuil, started 
on June i, 1789), XXXII., 159. 

3 Stoddard, T. Lothrop. The French Revolution in San Domingo 
(Boston and New York, 1914), 68. 

* Raymond, Observations sur I'Origine et les Progres du Prejuge des 
Colons blancs contre les Hommes de Couleur; * * * (Paris, 1791), 11. 
Raimond, J., Memoire sur les Causes des Troubles et des Desastres de la 
Colonie de Saint-Domingue, * * * -(Paris, 1793), 8. Brissot, J. P., 
Discours sur la Necessite de maintenir le Decret rendu le 15 Mai 1791 
(s. I. 11. d.). Cf. Stoddard, op. cit., 24-26. 

B Gregoire, Lettre aux Philantropes, * * (Reprinted in Courier de 
Provence, XI, 11 5^135), 117. 'Cf. (Deschamps, Leon, Les Colonies pendant 
la Revolution (Paris, 1898), 296. 

8 It was asserted that the mulattoes owned one-third the soil and one- 
fourth the slaves in Santo Domingo. Journal des Etats-gcncraux, XXV., 
496. Raimond, Julien Veritable Origine des Troubles de S.-Domingue, 
et des Differentes Causes qui les Produits (Paris, 1792), 3-4. Raymond 
was a mulatto, educated and wealthy, resident in France since 1784. 



PRELIMINARY DEALINGS 3 

and education ; but they were treated by the whites as social 
inferiors. They were not allowed to wear fine clothes, to ride 
in carriages, to sit beside the whites in church or at meals, and, 
though they served in the ranks of the militia and bore other bur- 
dens of citizenship, they were forbidden to hold any office, trust 
or employment. 7 "A mulatto could not be a priest, nor a lawyer, 
nor a physician, nor a surgeon, nor an apothecary, nor a school- 
master." 8 Between the mulattoes and themselves the whites had 
fixed a great gulf, and they were determined that there should 
be no crossing. 9 Naturally the mulattoes were discontented with 
their status and, as early as 1784, they were appealing to the 
Minister of Marine to redress their grievances. 10 

The free blacks were poor, ignorant outcasts, despised alike 
by whites and mulattoes. Their number was small, and they 
never played an independent role. 11 The African slaves were, 

7 Gregoire, Memoire en Favour des Gens de Couleur on Sang-meles de 
St.-Domingue, & des autrcs Isles francaises de I'Ameriquc, adressc a 
V Assemble e nationale (Paris, 1789). 5-9. Statement of Goupil-Prefelne 
in Gazette nationale, on le Moniteur universel (Original edition, started 
on November 24, 1789, in folio. Commonly called simply the Moniteur), 
14 mai 1791, p. 553. 

'Edwards, Bryan. An Historical Survey of the French Colony in the 
Island of St. Domingo: * * * (In The History, Civil and Commercial, 
of the British West Indies, III. Fifth edition, London, 1819), ir. 

9 Specific laws and ordinances which restricted the privileges of the 
mulattoes are quoted in Supplique et Petition des Citoyens dc Couleur 
des Isles & Colonics francaises, sur la Motion faite le 27 Novembre 1789, 
par M. de Curt, *** Du 2 DScembre 1789 (s. I. u. d.) Cahier, contenant 
les Plaint es, Dolcanccs & Reclamations des Citoyens-Ubres & proprictaircs 
de Couleur, des Isles & Colonies francaises. * * * Scptcmbre 1789 (s. I. 
n. d.) Stoddard (op. cit.) devotes an entire chapter to the mulattoes in 
Santo Domingo. 

10 Raimond, Veritable Origine, 4; Lettre an Citoyen D * * *, (Paris, 
I793)> 7', Response aux Considerations de M. Morcau, * * * (Paris, 
I79 l ), U- Journal des litnts-t/cucraux, XXV. 493-494. 

"Raymond says (Observations, 13) that there were only about fifteen 
hundred free blacks in Santo Domingo, and the number in the other col- 
onies must have been even smaller. As regards their independent role, one 
may read in the Moniteur of November 29, 1789 (p. 22), a curious letter 



4 THE FRENCH COLONIAL QUESTION 

J" 

of course, mere chattels; but outnumbering, as they did, the 
free population of the islands some five or six times, 12 their pres- ' \ r 
ence caused at times great trepidation in the breasts of their mas-'- 
ters, who stood in constant fear of servile insurrection. 

The military defense of the colonies devolved upon the 
mother country, but as a compensation for carrying this burden 
the mother country was disposed to monopolize the colonial com- 
merce. This imperial control, or exterior regime as it was tech- 
nically called, was a great source of annoyance to the planters, 
and because of their protests the royal government had seen fit 
to relax from time to time the stringency of the navigation laws. 
Thus by 1789 there were several ports of entry in the French 
West Indies to which foreign vessels might resort and, under 
government supervision, sell to the colonists certain specified 
commodities which the French markets could not readily furnish, 
and receive in exchange certain other commodities for which 
the French markets had little demand. But on the necessities 
of life, such as flour and clothes, the monopoly remained com- 
plete. Consequently, in times of dearth, the colonists suffered 
serious inconvenience from the inability of the French mer- 
chants to furnish, with expedition, a sufficient quantity of food- 
stuff. 13 

signed by Les Negres Libres, Colons Americains, in which the argument 
is advanced that the pure negro is superior to the mulatto just as pure 
gold is superior to alloy. But this letter looks like the handiwork of a 
white colonist who sought to ridicule the efforts being made at the time 
by the mulattoes to secure political and social equality. The free blacks 
are made to say that they repose with confidence upon the wisdom and 
good offices o<f their patrons and protectors, the white colonists, and to 
express the hope that the projects of the mulattoes might fail. Further 
than this letter, which looks like a fabrication, I have found no evidence 
that the free blacks ever sought to act as a separate class. 

"Deschamps, op. cit., 296. 

13 L,a Luzerne, Memoire Bnvoye le 18 Juin 1790, au Comite des Rapports 
de I'Assemblee nationale (Paris, 1790), 81. Report of Baron d'Elbhecq, 
reprinted in Archives parlementaires, XI 761. Precis de la Seance de 



PRELIMINARY DEALINGS 5 

The local government, or interior regime, of each colony 
was administered by a civil and military bureaucracy at the head 
of which stood the Governor and the Intendant. Both these 
high officials were appointed by the King and in theory were 
responsible to him for their stewardship ; but once in the colony 
their authority was limited in practice only by the check which 
one might exercise over the other. Both had a great amount of 
patronage at their disposal, and both were accused by the planters 
of tyranny, of peculation, and of winking at the iniquities of 
their proteges. 14 

As a result of these conditions in the French West Indies, 
there was much discontent on the part of the inhabitants. The 
mulattoes deprecated the invidious social distinctions and de- 
manded the abolition of "the aristocracy of color." The planters 
"groaned under the yoke of ministerial despotism" and demanded 
a controlling hand in the local administration of the colony and 
a voice in the administration of the exterior regime. The slaves 
were too ignorant perhaps to be conscious of grievances, but 
their cause had champions across the sea^ In February, 1788, 
there was formed at Paris the Socictc des Amis des Noirs, the 
avowed purpose of which was to secure the abolition of the 

I'Assemblee nationale, Vendredi 28 Aout, Sept Heures du Soir (Published 

by Baudouin, Versailles, 1789). Journal des Debuts et des Dicrets (Pub- 
lished by Baudouin, started on August 29, 1789), no. 2, pp. 1-2; no. 4. PP- 
3-4; no. 10, pp. 1-4. 

"Edwards, op. cit., 4. Gouy d'Arsy, Premiere Denoneiafion solemnelle 
d'un Ministre faite a I'Assemblee nationale, * * * (Paris, 1790). U. 
49, 66-74, 77-78. 82-83, iio-iii, 124-125, 129. Confession generate faite an 
Public par I'Autewr du Mot a YOreille (Perhaps by Gouy d'Arsy. s.l.n.d.). 
5, 7. Page, Discours historique sur la Cause & les Dcsasires de la Partie 
francaise de Saint-Domingue, * * * (Paris, s.d.), 2-3. Garran, J. Ph., 
Rapport sur les Troubles de Saint-Domingue, * * * (Paris, An \'l >. 
I, 31-32. De Pons, Observations sur la Situation politique de Saint-Do- 
mingue (Paris, 1790), 2-6. Cf. Stoddard, op. cit., 10-14. 



6 THE FRENCH COLONIAL QUESTION 

slave trade and the gradual emancipation of the slaves. 15 The 
membership of this society does not seem to have been large, but 
many philanthropists who were not actually members heartily 
sympathized with its purpose, and the propaganda which it carried 
on served to deepen the discontent of the planters. How to 
secure home rule, therefore, and thus guarantee the existence of 
slavery, and how to bring about a further modification of the 
navigation laws was the problem which confronted the planter 
aristocracy. 

If succeeding events had been other than they were, the 
solution of this problem might have been deferred indefinitely ; 
but in November, 1787, the King decided to revive the moribund 
Estates General, and some of the more captious planters under- 
took to seize this opportunity and seek redress for their griev- 
ances. They reasoned that if the planters could obtain a repre- 
sentation in the Estates General, they should thereby be raised 
to the dignity of French citizens and should no longer be victims 
of commercial oppression. Moreover, they might bring to the 
foot of the throne a petition for self-government, to which 
their benevolent sovereign would not turn a deaf ear. So, for 
this reason, it was determined to drag the colonies into the 
Revolution. 

The movement started at Cap Francais, in the Northern 
Province of Santo Domingo, where the wealthiest planters lived 

15 Les noirs ne sont pas encore murs pour la liberte; il faut les y 
preparer: telle est la doctrine de cette societe. Le Patriote frangais 
(By Brissot de Warville, started on July 28, 1789), no. 24, p. 4. Cf. Ibid., 
no. 19, pp. 4-5 ; no. 199, p. 4; no. 208, p. 5. Discours sur la Necessite, d'ctablir 
d Paris une Societe pour concourir, avec celle de Londres, a V Abolition 
de la Trait e & de VEsclavage des Negres. Prononce le 19 Fevrier 1788, 
dans une Societe de quelques Amis rassembles a Paris, a la Priere 
du Comite de Londres (s. I. n. d.). Raymond, Reponse aux Considerations, 
3. The purpose of the society is clearly expressed in an address to the 
National Assembly reprinted in Archives parlementaires, XI 273-274. 



PRELIMINARY DEALINGS 7 

and where, to the great annoyance of the planters, the Conscil 
Superiiur, a sort of colonial parlement, had just been suppressed 
by the arbitrary authority of the royal Administrators. 10 Here, in 
April, 1788, a petition to the King was secretly circulated and 
signed by four thousand colonists. On May 31, copies of it were 
forwarded to Marquis de Paroy and Comte de Reynaud, two 
well known proprietors resident in France. 17 This communica- 
tion stimulated Reynaud to call together, July 15, eighty colonial 
proprietors in Paris and ask for advice. The assembly ex- 
pressed itself in favor of a colonial representation in the Estates 
General and appointed nine proprietors, whose titles, wealth and 
social standing might have weight with public opinion, to take 
charge of the campaign. 18 These nine commissioners, 10 as they 
were called, met for the first time on August 5 and elected Gouy 
d'Arsy, one of their number, a blustering, ambitious nobleman, 
to act as Secretary-Reporter. 20 "Within a few weeks," to quote 
here the words of Stoddard, "a number of pamphlets appeared, 
mostly from the clever pen of Gouy d'Arcy ; wires were indus- 

16 Opinion de M. le Marquis de Gouy d'Arsy. *** sur le Re- 
tablissement du Conseil-superieur du Cap, * * * (s.l., 1790). Clausson, 
Precis historiqite de la Resolution de Saint-Domingue (Paris, 1819), 25. 

'"Precis sur la Position actucllc de la Deputation de Saint-Domingue. 
aux Etats-generaux (Versailles, 1789), 7- Extrait des Pieces justificative* 
d I'Appui de la Denonciation faite a I'Asscmblce nationale du Comte de 
la Luzerne. * * * (s. I. n. d.), 7. 17. Gouy d'Arsy, Premiere Denonciation, 
35-36; Opinion, 10. Lettre du Comite Colonial de France, au Comite 
colonial de Saint-Dominguc ; * * * (Paris, 1788), 6, 92. 

18 Lettre du Comite colonial de France, 8-11, 13-17- Gouy d'Arsy. 
Premiere Denonciation, 36. 

"The nine commissioners were Due de Choiseul-Praslin. Marquis 
de Gouy d'Arsy, Due de Cereste-Brancas, Comte de Reynaud. De Peyrae, 
Comte de Magallon, Marquis de Paroy, Chevalier Douge, and Marquis de 
Perrigny. After two months, Due de Cereste-Brancas was replaced by 
Comte de Vaudreuil. Lettre du Comite colonial de Prance, 13. 

"Ibid., 8-9, 19. 67- 



8 THE FRENCH COLONIAL QUESTION 

triously pulled at Versailles ; and on September 4 a deputation 
styling themselves the 'Commissioners of San Domingo' appeared 
before the Minister of Marine, La Luzerne, and presented their 
petition" 21 now endorsed by a "volume" of signatures. 22 The 
Minister received his callers politely, read their petition aloud 
and commented on its phraseology, and promised to lay it be- 
fore the King; but he steadfastly declined to recognize the 
bearers of it as commissioners of Santo Domingo because there 
was nothing to guarantee that the signatures were genuine. 23 A 
few days later, on the advice of the King, he drew up a memorial 
for the Conseil d'Btat, in which he reasoned as follows : There 
are about twenty-five thousand adult citizens resident in Santo 
Domingo. Supposing the four thousand signatures to be gen- 
uine, which can not be proved, they represent less than one-sixth 
the population of the colony. The other five-sixths were either 
opposed or indifferent or not consulted. If the petition had 
passed through the hands of the Governor and the Intendant, 
spurious signatures could have been detected. The devious and 
irregular way which the petition has travelled from the colony 
to the King indicates that it can not bear the full light of day. 
Can we then, the Minister asks, consider the credentials of the 
so-called commissioners of Santo Domingo as valid? Are we 
to allow this colony to have deputies in the approaching Estates 
General? The Conseil dfHtat answered both questions in the 
negative, and then the King, in justice to the colony, forbade 
the Minister of Marine to correspond with the nine so-called 
commissioners of Santo Domingo or to have other dealings with 
them that might seem to imply a recognition of their preten- 

21 Stoddard, op. cit., 70. 

22 Lettre du Comite colonial de France, 44-45. 

23 Ibid. La Luzerne, Memoire, 5-6. Gouy d'Arsy, Premiere Denon- 
ciation, 37. 



PRBUMINARY DEALINGS 9 

sions. 24 Two days later, September 13, two of the commissioners 
waited on the Minister and received intelligence that a decision 
in their case had been reached by the King in council. "But 
what was decided, M. le Comte?" "That, Gentlemen," he an- 
swered, "you may never know ; the King has forbidden me to tell 
you ; it is a secret of state." 25 Full of surprise, anger, and 
contempt, the commissioners resolved to pass the word to the 
planters at Cap Franqais and advise that the agitation be carried 
on in the colony. In a long letter to these constituents, dated 
September 15, they call attention to the "critical position of he 
Ministry, the systematic indecision of the Court," and to what 
a little audacity had already been able to accomplish in Bretagne, 
Dauphine, Provence and Beam. They advised the planters to 
act secretly and promptly so as to circumvent the royal Admin- 
istrators. 26 Thus was the campaign transferred from France to 
Santo Domingo. 

When this letter reached Santo Domingo, events began to 
move rapidly. The Chamber of Agriculture, a small organiza- 
tion composed of planters, took the initiative and addressed a 
memorial to the Administration, November 7, in which it de- 
manded that the colony be allowed to send deputies to the Es- 
tates General. 27 The Administration, taken unawares and want- 
ing instructions from Versailles, 28 sought to temporize by reply- 

24 La Luzerne, Memoire, 5-11. 

M Gouy d'Arsy, Premiere Dcnonciation, 38. Lettre du Comite colonial 
de France, 103-104. 

x Lettre du Comite colonial de France, no, 112. This letter, frequently 
cited above, contains 135 printed pages in 8°. 

"Lettre bien Importance de la Chambre d' Agriculture de Saint-Dom- 
ingue, adressh aux Membres du Comite" colonial Scant a Paris ( Paris, 
1/88), 5, 15-16. 

28 Memoire et Observations du Sicur Darbe-Marbois, Intcndant des 
Islcs-sous-lc-l'ent * * * (Paris, 1790), 10. Pieces justificative* des 
Faits cnonces dans le Memoire de M. le Comte de La Lucerne. * * * * 
(Paris, 1790), 8. 



io THE FREXCH COLOXIAL QUESTIOX 

ing. November 16. that nothing could be done about the matter 
until the will of the colony could be ascertained. Straightway 
the Chamber demanded that the colony be given an opportunity 
to express its will and. without further delay, the Chamber issued 
a plan for the convocation of popular assemblies to elect deputies 
to the Estates General.- 9 And then the Governor bestirred him- 
self and issued an ordinance in which he condemned the action 
of the Chamber of Agriculture, forbade the meeting of popular 
assemblies and threatened to prosecute to the fullest extent of 
the law whosoever dared disobey ; but he authorized the colonists 
to vote for or against representation in the Estates General by 
means of letters, each signed by no more than five persons, ad- 
dressed to the Administration. 30 But this ordinance was almost 
completely ignored. In defiance of the Governor's commands, a 
few of the planters — it is impossible to say how many — met in 
secret assemblies and elected thirty-one deputies to the Estates 
General. 31 Whether these deputies would be admitted was an- 
other question. 

After the Estates General had been in session for more than 
a month, eight individuals calling themselves deputies from Santo 
Domingo appeared at Versailles and, on June 8, made overtures 
for admission. 3 - The Clergy- and the Nobility gave them a cold 

"Lettre bien Importante, 5-6, io-ii, 15-16. 

" Pieces justificatives, 6. Ertrait des Pieces justificatives, 25-26. Gouy 
i'Ar-v, Premiere Detwnciation, 42-44. 

^Opinion de M. de Cockerel. * * * (In the Moniteur, December 1, 
:" ; : p. .30). Journal des Etats-generaux, I 349, 332. Gouy d'Arsy. 
Premiere Detwnciation. 45. The names of the deputies elected in the 
Northern Province of Santo Domingo are given in Que ceux qui out une 
Ante lisent ceci (Cap Francais, 1789), 7-8. For the entire list see Brette, 
Les Constiiuants (Paris, 1897). 187-189. 

= The names of these so-called deputies were Comte de Reynaud. 
Comte de Magallon, Marquis de Perrigny, Marquis de Gouy d'Arsy, 
Chevalier Douge, Marquis de Rouvray, Chevalier Cocherel, and Bodkin- 



PRELIMINARY DEALINGS U 

reception, but the Third Estate, hard pressed in the struggle 
with the privileged orders, admitted them provisionally "with 
testimonies of affection." 33 Nevertheless, it was generally known 
that their election was irregular, the King not having asked the 
colonies to send deputies, and for a time it looked as though 
nothing more would be done about the matter. But on June 13, 
at the end of the general roll call, Gouy d'Arsy expressed sur- 
prise at not having heard the Secretary- call the names of the 
deputies for Santo Domingo, and thereupon the "Dean", after 
having consulted the assembly, asked the colonists to bring for- 
ward their credentials. With this request they readily com- 
plied, saying graciously that they wished to sit among the 
"Commons" without distinction of birth. 3 * 

The question of their definitive admission was now ready for 
decision and, on June 14, in the name of the twentieth bureau, 
Redon made a report on their credentials. And the report was 
unfavorable. Redon pointed out that the King had not asked 
the colonists to send deputies and that, moreover, the credentials 
under consideration were not conclusive proof that Santo Do- 
mingo desired deputies. But as this report was apparently re- 
garded as only preliminary, the assembly took no action at the 
time and the colonists continued to sit provisionally as deputies 
without the right to vote. 35 At length, on June 19, a committee 

Fitz-Gerald. It will be observed that the first five names here mentioned 
were on the list of the nine commissioners of Santo Domingo (See ante, p. 

The other three men had come directly from the colony. 

33 Journal inedit de Jallet, * * * (Published by J. J. Brethe: Fon- 
tenay-le-Comte, 1871), 81-82. Recit des Stances des Deputes des Com- 
munes depuis le 5 Mai 1789 jusqu'au 12 Juin suizvnt (Reimpression par 
F. A. Aulard, Paris, 1895), 97. Journal d'Adrien Duquesnoy, * * * * 
(Published by Robert Crevecceur; Paris, 1894), I 80, 91. 

M I- j/ de I'Assemblee nationaU (Started on June 12. IJ 

le 12 juin 1789 jusqu'au 17 juin, p. 39. Journal de Duquesnoy. I 91. 

** Proees-zerbal (June 12-17. Kfo), 7$- 



12 THE FRENCH COLONIAL QUESTION 

on credentials was appointed and charged especially with the 
task of reporting on the credentials of the deputies for Santo 
Domingo. That evening the committee held a meeting and 
Gouy d'Arsy and three of his colleagues appeared before it. In 
reply to the objections raised by Redon, Gouy d'Arsy declared 
that the elections in Santo Domingo had been conducted almost 
exactly as had been the elections in France, and argued that 
the colony should not be deprived of representatives simply be- 
cause the King had neglected to ask it to send deputies. Santo 
Domingo, said he, has wealth and importance. Reason demands 
that the colony have a representation. "You know what it 
cost England to decide this question with arms in her hands 
instead of deciding it in accordance with the invariable laws 
of reason and natural equity." 36 This florid argument seems to 
have had weight, for, on June 20, when the colonists, amid the 
enthusiasm of that great day, asked permission as deputies to sign 
the tennis court oath and thus cast their lot with the Third Estate 
in that hour of danger, the President of the National Assembly 
announced that the committee on credentials had unanimously 
decided to recommend the provisional admission of twelve depu- 
ties for Santo Domingo with the right to vote. The recommen- 
dation was adopted by acclamation and the colonial deputies 
affixed their signatures to the oath. 37 This was a decision preg- 
nant with consequences, for it was a virtual admission that the 
colonies had the right to be represented in the Parliament of 
the nation. No European country had ever before been so 
generous. But the colonial deputies, though they were grate- 
ful, were not minded to admit that generosity was all on one 

36 Point du Jour, no. 3, p. 18. Barere, editor of this journal, was a 
member of the committee on credentials and noted down what Gouy d'Arsy 
said. Cf. Proces-verbal, no. 2, pp. 2-5. Journal de Duquesnoy, I no. 

37 Proces-verbal, no. 3, p. 7. Journal des Etats-generaux, I 169. 



PRELIMINARY DEALINGS 13 

side. "Santo Domingo," said Gouy d'Arsy, "was still in her 
swaddling- clothes when she gave herself to Louis XIV ; now 
that she is great and powerful she gives herself to the nation." s 

The question of their definitive admission came up again for 
discussion on June 27. The reporter of the committee on creden- 
tials, as if he had learned his arguments from the colonists them- 
selves, emphasized the extent, the wealth, the population, and 
the commercial importance of Santo Domingo, and declared it 
the unanimous opinion of the committee that the colony should 
have deputies. As had already been foreshadowed, this recom- 
mendation was adopted unanimously by the National Assem- 
bly. 39 The point about irregular elections was passed over in 
complete silence, and the flood-gates of debate opened upon the 
question whether Santo Domingo should have twelve or twenty 
deputies. In determining the number, the inquiry was made: 
Should slaves be counted as part of the population? Several 
deputies took occasion to speak of the evils of slavery and to 
commend warmly the efforts being made by the Socictc des Amis 
des Noirs. A motion to take into consideration the eventual 
emancipation of the slaves was even made and applauded, but 
the discussion was suddenly interrupted and postponed by the 
appearance of several members of the Clergy and the Nobility 
who came in to take seats in the National Assembly. 40 The en- 
thusiasm and the feeling of good fellowship which greeted the 
arrival of the newcomers extricated the colonists from a very 
embarrassing predicament. 

When consideration of the question was resumed on July 
3 Mirabeau, who, though probably not an Ami des Noirs, sym- 

™ Journal de Duquesnoy, I. 114-115. 

39 Procts-verbal, no. 9, pp. 5-6. 

40 Point du Jour, no. 10, pp. 61-65. Journal des Etats-generaux. I 259- 
262. Journal de Jallet, 107. 



i 4 THE FRENCH COLONIAL QUESTION 

pathized with the purpose of the society, completely demolished 
the argument in favor of a large deputation. To base repre- 
sentation on wealth and commercial importance, he said, is ridic- 
ulous. It is true that Santo Domingo puts much money into 
circulation and gives much support to manufactures : so do the 
peasants of France: so> do the maritime cities. Why not give 
these a representation based on commercial importance? No! 
the only acceptable basis is population. But since the mulattoes, 
the free blacks and the slaves are not allowed to vote, how much 
population is left? In Santo Domingo there are only about 
twenty-five thousand whites. Then let the number of deputies 
for Santo Domingo be in proportion to this constituency. 41 After 
this cogent reasoning had been offered, general opinion, hitherto 
favorable to twenty deputies, veered round to four. Gouy d'Arsy, 
"one of the greatest sayers of nothing I ever knew," as an ob- 
servant deputy characterized him, 42 attempted a reply to Mira- 
beau. He declared testily that the National Assembly knew 
nothing about the colonies. The mulattoes, he said, had of 
course never been allowed to vote in elections; such a privilege 
would give them too much influence and make them too pre- 
sumptuous in a land where the whites form only about one- 
twentieth of the population ; but the interests of the mulattoes are 
always amply safeguarded by the planters, their natural patrons 
and protectors. As to slavery and the slave trade, touch those 
institutions, he said, with a trembling hand unless you can find, 
in your wisdom, some other way to make the colonies great and 
prosperous. The National Assembly has already voted to admit 
twelve deputies provisionally ; it can not afford now to stultify 

"■Journal des Etats-generaux, I 324-326. Point du Jour, no. 15, p. 99. 
Journal de Jallet, 114-115. 

43 Journal de Duquesnoy, I. 160. 



PRELIMINARY DEALINGS 15 

itself by reducing that number. 43 But, of course, to men imbued 
with the doctrines of the sacred and imprescriptible rights of 
man, Gouy d'Arsy's speech sounded strange and immoral. "This 
reasoning," wrote a deputy, "made upon my mind an impression 
quite opposite to what the speaker intended; it seemed to savor 
of an inhumane policy, and I doubt not that others had a simi- 
lar impression." 44 

The debate dragged on into the session of July 4, and cries 
of "question, question, a thousand times repeated" 45 gave evi- 
dence of the general impatience. After awhile the President had 
a Secretary read a communication from a number of colonists 
whom by-standers understood to be a new deputation from Santo 
Domingo. "How can these gentlemen pretend," so ran the 
letter, "to represent Santo Domingo? The formalities which 
make elections valid were not observed at all. The so-called 
deputies were elected in assemblies of fifteen or twenty persons. 
Though their credentials bear the signatures of a great number 
of persons, the signatures were obtained by over-persuasion or 
after the elections were over. The instructions of the so-called 
deputies were given in blank, and can never bind the colony. 
The undersigned pray the National Assembly to take these facts 
into consideration and suspend judgment in the matter until the 
colony can legitimatize the powers of the deputies by a regular 
election. If the National Assembly insists on going ahead and 
ignoring this petition, the colonists of Santo Domingo make bold 
to declare that they will protest against everything that may 
be done." 46 This created a momentary diversion and voices were 

43 Point du Jour, no. 15, pp. 99-100; no. 16, p. 107. Journal des Etats- 
generaux, I. 326-336. 

44 Journal de Jallet, 115-116. 

4:5 Courrier de Versailles a Paris et de Paris a Versailles (by Gorsas, 
started on July 5, 17S9), no. 1, p. 9. 

40 Journal des Etats-gencraux, I. 35I-3S 2 - 



1 6 THE FRENCH COLONIAL QUESTION 

heard demanding that the petition be granted; but Gouy d'Arsy 
and others insisted that the question of a colonial representation 
be decided without further delay. So the National Assembly 
decreed that six deputies for Santo Domingo should be admitted 
with the right to vote and that the other members of the colonial 
deputation should be recognized as suppleants. 47 Thus the deed 
had been done without recall : colonial deputies had been defin- 
itively admitted to the Parliament of the nation, and Santo Do- 
mingo had been drawn into the Revolution. 

The communication which created a momentary diversion 
on July 4 needs to be explained. From the beginning of the 
movement, there were in France many proprietors who did not 
favor a colonial representation in the Estates General. When 
asked to sign the petition to the King, in August, 1788, they re- 
fused, saying that the colonists in France did not have sufficient 
authorization to proceed with the matter, that the colonists 
resident in Santo Domingo might disclaim all responsibility for 
the result in case the proposed representation proved detrimental 
to colonial interests, and that, since it was the custom to harp 
so much on the wealth of Santo Domingo, the Estates General 
might decide to tax the colony heavily to relieve the deficit in 
the royal treasury. It would be much better, they said, to bear 

47 Proces-verbal, no. 15, pp. 4-5. Journal des Etats-generaux, I. 352-353. 
Point du Jour, no. 16, pp. 107-108. 

On July 7, the National Assembly was informed by the colonial depu- 
tation that the following six had been elected to sit in the house and 
vote : Gouy d'Arsy, Cocherel, Perrigny, Gerard, Thebaudieres, and 
Larchevesque-Thibaud; and that the following would be suppleants: 
Reynaud, Rouvray, Villeblanche, de Noe, O'Gorman, Magallon, Courre- 
jolles, Douge, Legardeur de Tilly, de Marine, Bodkin Fitz-Gerald, and 
Duval Mouville. Proces-verbal, no. 17, pp. 10-11. The names of 
Larchevesque-Thibaud and Thebaudieres soon disappear from the records 
of the debates, and those of Reynaud, Gourrejolles, and others appear as 
names of active deputies. Apparently, then, a supplcant might take 
the place of a deputy without consulting the National Assembly. 



PRELIMINARY DEALINGS 17 

existing ills a little longer and to look to. the King for ultimate 
redress of grievances than to participate in a revolution the end 
of which no man could foresee. 48 But to this timely warning the 
nine commissioners of Santo Domingo paid little heed, going 
ahead, as we have seen, with their campaign for a representation. 
After the petition had been presented to the King and the 
Conseil d'Etat and been rejected, 49 these conservative proprietors 
seem to have slumbered and slept till deputies appeared at Ver- 
sailles, in June, 1789, claiming to represent Santo Domingo. 
Then there was a general awakening which grew into genuine 
alarm when the so-called deputies ranged themselves on the side 
of the revolutionary Third Estate. On June 20, the day of the 
tennis court oath, thirty of these conservatives resident in 
Paris drafted the communication which was read to the National 
Assembly on July 4. 50 Very soon afterwards the unfavorable 
mention of slavery in the debates, the discussion of the Declara- 
tion of the Rights of Man, and the revolutionary orgy on the 
night of the Fourth of August convinced the conservatives that 
it would be the better part of wisdom to repudiate the so-called 
deputies for Santo Domingo for whom they had not voted, to 
keep the National Assembly, if possible, from deciding anything 
relative to colonial affairs, to strengthen the tottering fabric of 
royal authority in the colonies, and to wait for better days. 51 With 
these ends in view, sixty or seventy proprietors met in Paris on 
August 20, 1789, the day on which the first clause of the Declara- 
tion of the Rights of Man became constitutional law, and organ- 
ized the Societe correspondante des Colons frangais, popularly 

48 Lettre du Comite colonial de France, 76-78. 
49 Seenn^, p. 8. 

B0 Minutes of the Masiac Club, Archives Nationales, Dxxv. 85. 
^Ibid. Cf. Letter of the Massiac Club to the provincial assemblies 
of Santo Domingo, dated April 10, 1790. Arch. Nat., Dxxv. 86. 



1 8 THE FRENCH COLONIAL QUESTION 

known as the Massiac Club. 52 From this time on, the Massiac 
Club was busy trying to counteract the influence of the Amis des 
Noirs, hold in check the colonial deputies in the National Assem- 
bly, and keep the Revolution out of the colonies. 

The six colonial deputies and their suppliants, at the begin- 
ning of their parliamentary career, found themselves halting 
between confidence and fear and attempting the difficult feat of 
travelling two divergent roads simultaneously. On July 29, 
in order to circumvent the schemes of their colonial opponents, 
they demanded of the Minister of Marine the assurance that 
no new elections would be held in Santo Domingo, that no colonial 
assembly be summoned, and that no innovations be made in the 
colonial administration, except as the National Assembly might 
direct. 53 But this confidence was of short duration. On the 
night of the Fourth of August, Gouy d'Arsy was asked to pro- 
claim for the colonies the emancipation of the slaves ; 54 and on 
August 12, the embarrassed deputies wrote to their constituents 
in this tenor: "People here are drunk with liberty. A society 
of enthusiasts who call themselves Amis des Noirs is carrying 
on open agitation against us. It is spying out a favorable oppor- 
tunity to explode against slavery. Should we be so unfortunate 

52 The number of proprietors present may be approximately deter- 
mined by the fact that, on August 20, sixty-eight votes were cast on 
a question, and on August 23, sixty-six votes were cast for President and 
sixty-three for Vice President. Minutes of the 'Massiac Club. Arch. 
Nat., Dxxv. 85. Gouy d'Arsy makes the statement (Premiere Denonciation, 
I34 _I 37) that the number present was sixty or eighty. Raymond states 
positively (Veritable Origine, 16-18) that the Massiac Club was in exis- 
tence at the end of July, 1789, but the minutes of the Club show that 
Raymond's memory played him false. 

53 Minutes of the Massiac Club, Arch. Nat., Dxxv. 85. La Luzerne, 
Memoire, 114-116. Extrait des Pieces justificatives, 80-83 1 . Pieces jus- 
tificative s, 39. 

54 Gouy d'Arsy, Confession d'un Depute dans ses Demiers Momens, 
* * * (Paris, 1791), 4. Patriote francais, no. 14, p. 2. 



PRELIMINARY DEALINGS 19 

as to pronounce the word slave, the occasion would be sized to 
demand the emancipation of our negroes. The fear that this 
misfortune may befall us makes us keep silent despite ourselves. 
The time is not favorable for us to ask the National Assembly 
to consider our plan for guaranteeing ourselves against the danger 
which threatens us * * * * The peril is great * * * it is 
near. * * * Arrest suspects, seize writings in which the 
word liberty appears. Double the guard on your plantations, in 
the villages. * * * * Distrust mulattoes who arrive from 
Europe. * * * " 55 Evidently fear had succeeded confidence. 
And events during the last weeks of August were not of a 
nature to allay their fears. Clause after clause of the Declara- 
tion of the Rights of Man was adopted, and Mirabeau, a man 
of no little influence, was rejoicing in his newspaper, the Cornier 
de Provence, that this declaration of fundamental law would be 
no less applicable to the colonies than to the mother country. 56 
In this crisis the deputies, genuinely alarmed, turned to their 
opponents of the Massiac Club for comfort and counsel. Work- 
ing together the two factions drew up a plan by which the de- 
sired reforms in the colonies could be obtained without inter- 
ference from the revolutionary National Assembly. The plan 
provided that the King should summon a popular assembly in 
Santo Domingo, which, in turn, should draft a constitution for 
the colony and send it to France for the direct sanction of the 
King. In this way the National Assembly would be left en- 
tirely out of account. Accordingly, the deputies and the Massiac 
Club, on September 16 and 18, addressed identical notes to the 
Minister of Marine, asking that he put their plan into execution. 

55 Lettre des Deputes de Saint-Domlngne a leurs Commettans, en 
Date du 12 Aoiit 1789 (Paris, 1790). This letter is also printed in 
Courier de Provence, I. no. ill, pp. 471-474. 

M Courier de Provence, no. 30. 



2o THE FRENCH COLONIAL QUESTION 

The Minister readily consented, and on September 27 forwarded 
the plan to the colony with the necessary orders for its execu- 
tion. But "by this time the colonial deputies, their panic having 
somewhat subsided, took occasion to pause and reflect on the 
probable consequences of their action. The Minister of Marine, 
La Luzerne, was an ex-Governor of Santo Domingo and heartily 
disliked by the planters. Moreover, the planters were just now 
endeavoring to "shake off the yoke of ministerial despotism." 
So that any plan emanating from the office of the Minister of 
Marine would be received in the colony with suspicion and mis- 
giving. As the colonial deputies reflected on these things they 
became aware that they were making a mistake, and at the 
eleventh hour they found fault with certain clauses of the plan, 
which they claimed had been added without their approval, and 
wrote to the colony opposing its execution. 57 Thus the burden of 
unpopularity, if there should be any, would recoil upon the heads 
of the Minister of Marine and the members of the Massiac Club. 
The deputies had reverted to their original policy of recognizing 
the paramount authority of the National Assembly. 

In fact, touching the matter of the navigation laws, the depu- 
ties had already despaired of obtaining from the King redress 
for the colonial grievances. On May 9, 1789, the Governor of 
Santo Domingo, moved by the planters' plea of urgent necessity, 
had thrown open three ports for five years to the free introduction 
of foreign grain ; but on July 2 the King had annulled the Gov- 
ernor's ordinance, on the ground that it tended to injure French 
commerce, and recalled the Governor. 58 Consequently, the dep- 

57 Minutes of the Massiac Club, Arch. Nat., Dxxv. 85. Letter of the 
Massiac Club to the provincial assemblies of Santo Domingo, dated 
April 10, 1790. Arch. Nat., Dxxv. 86. La Luzerne, Memoire, 114-116. 
Pieces justif., 42, Extrait des Pieces justif., 102-104, 107. Gouy d'Arsy, 
Premiere Denonciation, 1351-137, 139. Garran, op. cit., I. 56-59. 

68 Arret du Conseil d'Etat du Roi, du 2 Juillet 1789. 



PRELIMINARY DEALINGS 21 

uties had now no other recourse than to the National Assembly. 
And so, on August 28, at the very time, curiously enough, that, 
according to their statement in the letter of Augus 12, they dared 
not mention colonial affairs lest the Amis des Noirs should de- 
nounce slavery, and at the very time that they were deep in in- 
trigue with the Massiac Club for the removal of all questions 
relative to the interior regime of Santo Domingo from the juris- 
diction of the revolutionary National Assembly, they began to 
vociferate demands in the National Assembly for a suspension 
of the navigation laws. Advantage was taken of a proposition 
made by the committee on subsistences, August 28, to grant free 
circulation of grain within the kingdom of France, and the de- 
mand was made that the colonies be permitted to import grain 
from the United States. Cocherel drew a pathetic picture of the 
famishing colonists and of the helpless slaves dying of hunger — 
a condition due, he said, to the failure of the French merchants 
to furnish flour. This aroused the indignation of the merchants, 
who replied that Cocherel's picture was wofully overdrawn, that 
the colonists had flour in plenty and that the slaves were not 
allowed, anyway, to eat flour bread. The altercation lasted 
through four evening sessions and was at times bitter, involving 
the integrity of the Minister of Marine. Finally, the National 
Assembly, though seemingly a little hesitant about taking the 
matter in hand, decided on September 3 to submit the question to 
a committee of six disinterested persons chosen from the com- 
mittee on agriculture and commerce. 59 This special committee 
set to work at once and drafted a report in which the arguments 
on both sides were carefully weighed and the recommendation 

59 Precis de la Seance de I'Assemblce nationale, Vendredi 28 Aout, 
Sept Heures du Soir. Journal des Debats et des Dccrets, no. 2, pp. 1-2; 
no. 4, pp. 3-4; no. 10, pp. 1-4. Point du Jour, no. 69, pp. 261-264; no. 72, 
pp. 297-299. Journal des Etats-gcn-eraux, III. 212-215. Proces-verbal, 
no. 63, pp. 9-1 1 ; no. 66, pp. 5-6; no. 70, p. 6. 



22 THE FRENCH COLONIAL QUESTION 

was made that, if the merchants should ever fail to provision the 
colonies abundantly and at reasonable prices, the colonists should 
appeal to the executive power for protection. 60 In other words, 
the navigation laws were not to be modified or suspended. This 
report, however, was never presented to the National Assembly. 
After a few weeks of controversy, carried on through the press, 
the colonial deputies decided to make peace with the merchants ; 
for there was now arising another question before which planter 
and merchant needed to show a united front. 61 This was the 
.mulatto question. 

"In Paris," as Stoddard correctly states, "there had long 
existed a community of wealthy mulattoes, come thither to obtain 
a European education or to escape the rigors of the color line." 62 
These men had been closely watching the Revolution and plan- 
ning how they might best derive advantage from it. At the end 
of August, when the Declaration of the Rights of Man was 
adopted, they perceived that their hour had struck. Under the 
guidance of a white lawyer, named de Joly, whom they retained 
as counsel, they held a series of conferences and drew up cahiers 
of grievances. But instead of appealing directly to the National 
Assembly, they followed the advice of Malouet, a national deputy 
of considerable reputation, and appealed first to the Massiac Club 
to recognize their sacred and inalienable rights as men. 63 But 
the Massiac Club proved intractable and uncompromising on this 
point. Though it received a deputation of the mulattoes in its 

60 Rapport fait au Nom de la Section du Comite d' Agriculture et de 
Commerce charge par I'Assemblee nationale de I'Examen de la Reclama- 
tion des Deputes de Saint-Domingue, relative a lApprovisionnement de 
I'Isle (Paris, 1789). 

61 Correspondance secrete des Deputes de Saint-Domingue avec les 
Comites de cette Isle (Paris, l'An de la Liberie I), 33-34- 

62 Stoddard, op. cit., 84. 

63 Malouet, Collection de Memoires sur les Colonies (Paris, An X),. 
IV. 11-12. 



PRELIMINARY DEALINGS 23 

assembly hall and listened politely to what they had to say, it 
just as politely rejected their overtures. Then the mulattoes 
determined to appeal to the court of public opinion. According- 
ly, they drew up a minute account of their reception at the 
Massiac Club and published the account in pamphlet form. 64 
Those who chose to read might comprehend how righteous was 
the cause of the mulattoes and how contemptuous was the atti- 
tude of the planters. 

However, the mulattoes could not point to original petitions 
or produce other evidence to prove that their brothers across the 
sea were discontented with their lot, and the planters began at 
once to see to it that no mulattoes returned to the colonies to cir- 
culate petitions. On Septemebr 18, the colonial deputies wrote 
thus to the chambers of commerce of the various maritime cities : 
"We pray you earnestly to use every precaution in your power 
to hinder negroes and mulattoes from embarking for the col- 
onies." 65 And in letters to the Massiac Club the merchants and 
ship owners of Havre, Bordeaux, Nantes and Saint Malo give 
the assurance that they will not permit negroes and mulattoes to 
go aboard their vessels. 66 Also there was information from 
Cap Francais that on October 23, when seven ships were sighted 
in the offing, the provincial committee appointed twenty agents 
to go on board, take temporary possession of packages, and 
bring the passengers before the committee, lest any mulatto or 
Ami de Noirs effect a landing in the colony. 67 Thus the mulat- 
toes in Paris were isolated and left to their own devices. 

ei Extrait du Proccs-verbal de I'Assemblce de Citoyens—libres et 
proprietaries de Couleur des Isles et Colonies francaises, Constituce sous 
le Titre de Colons Americains (Paris, 12 septembre 1789)- 

65 Correspondance secrete, 11. Raimond, Veritable Origine, 20. 

66 Papers of the Massiac Club. Arch, Nat., Dxxv. 85. 

67 Extrait des Registres de la Deputation de Saint-Domingue (Paris 
1789), 6. Correspondance secrete, 52-53. 



24 THE FRENCH COLONIAL QUESTION 

Moreover, the colonial deputies were planning to forestall 
any attempt which the mulattoes might make to gain the ear 
of the National Assembly. On September 20, a colonial deputy 
wrote to his constituents as follows: "The mulattoes united at 
Paris under the leadership of Sieur de Joly, avocat, have present- 
ed a request to the President of the National Assembly for per- 
mission to be heard at the bar concerning their claims to the 
rights of citizenship, conformably to article 59 of the Black 
Code. I think it would be better to anticipate this move of the 
mulattoes. I think it better that the mulattoes owe this justice 
to the colony rather than to the National Assembly. In conse- 
quence, my advice is going to be that we inform the National 
Assembly that, being occupied with the amelioration of the lot 
of our negroes, we have represented to our constituents the jus- 
tice of allowing the mulattoes to- enjoy the rights of citizenship; 
and, in consequence, we shall ask the National Assembly to refer 
to the colonial assemblies the question of regulating the con- 
ditions and qualifications necessary for the mulattoes to enjoy 
the rights of citizenship * * * It has been determined among 
ourselves by a majority of votes that the response will be made 
to the National Assembly that the wishes of the mulattoes have 
already been anticipated by the colonial deputies, who wrote 
some time ago to their constituents, in the colony, in favor of 
this class of citizens which ought to be precious in the eyes of all 
the inhabitants, and that it is not doubtful that the representations 
made on this subject by the colonial deputation will have the de- 
sired effect." 68 

And yet, notwithstanding these precautions and schemes on 
the part of the white colonists, they themselves indicated to the 
mulattoes the road that promised well to lead to success. On 
September 22, two deputies, for Guadeloupe, elected by white 

68 Correspondence secrete, 12-13. 



PRELIMINARY DEALINGS 25 

colonists in Paris, were admitted to the National Assembly with- 
out opposition; 69 and, on October 14, two deputies for Mar- 
tinique, similarly elected, were also admitted. 70 So the mulattoes, 
perceiving that the way was smooth and the travelling easy, de- 
cided to make a definite demand that colored deputies be admitted 
to the National Assembly, on the ground that the white deputies 
did not represent this class of citizens. Accordingly, on October 
22, de Joly led his mulatto clients to the bar of the National 
Assembly and delivered an address which ran in part as follows : 
"The free colored citizens and proprietors of the French isles 
and colonies have the honor to remind you that there, still exists 
in one province of this Empire a race of men debased and de- 
graded; a class of citizens devoted to contempt, to all the hu- 
miliations of slavery; in a word, Frenchmen who groan under 
the yoke of oppression * * * Born citizens and free, they 
live strangers in their own fatherland. Excluded from all em- 
ployments, from all professions, from all dignities, they are even 
forbidden to engage in mechanical trades. Subjected to dis- 
tinctions the most debasing, they find themselves slaves in the 
land of liberty. But the Estates General are convoked * ■ * * 
The cry of liberty resounds in the other hemisphere * * * And 
now they come to solicit in this august Assembly a representation 

m Proces-verbal, no. 81, pp. 20-21. Point du Jour, no. 88, pp. 84-85. 
Journal des Etats-generaux, IV. 121-122. 

70 Proccs-verbal, no. 100, p. 7. Point du Jour, no. 109, pp. 335-336. 

The two deputies for Guadeloupe were de Curt and de Galbert. 
Later, on July 27, 1790, three more deputies for Guadeloupe (Chabert de 
Lachi'ere, Nadal de Saintrac and Robert Coquille) were admitted. Proccs- 
verbal, no. 362, p. 16. The two deputies for Martinique were Moreau de 
Saint-Mery and Arthur Dillon. On September 19, i/90, two deputies 
for the possessions in India (Beylie and Louis Monneron) were admitted. 
Ibid., no. 416, p. 6. On February 12, 1791, two deputies for the He de 
France (Pierre Monneron and de Missy) were admitted. Ibid., no. 560, 
p. 8. Thus the entire colonial deputation in the Constituent Assembly 
finally numbered seventeen. 



26 THE FRENCH COLONIAL QUESTION 

which will put them in position to assert their rights and defend 
their interests against the tyrannical pretensions of the whites 

* * * "71 

The whole speech was finely phrased and the story of griev- 
ances rang true. It was to remedy just such evils as these that 
the Revolution had been started. So the President of the National 
Assembly responded that neither wide seas nor class prejudice 
could ever drown the cry of the oppressed, and asked the mu- 
lattoes to leave at the Secretary's desk their petition and cre- 
dentials. 72 "Emotions of the most pure sensibility" and pro- 
longed applause gave unmistakable evidence that the hearers 
were favorably disposed. The mulattoes were invited to remain 
in the hall as honored guests, and it was voted that the address 
of de Joly and the President's response should be spread entire 
upon the official minutes 73 and, of course, be read again the next 
morning. 

The mulattoes now fully expected that their petition would 
be granted; 74 but they had miscalculated the hostile influence of 
the numerous colonial proprietors and merchant deputies in the 
National Assembly. Twice the committee on credentials attempt- 
ed to recommend the admission of two colored deputies, and twice 
such a storm of protest was raised on the floor that the reporter's 
voice could not be heard. 75 So the recommendation was never 

71 Proces-verbal, no. 105, pp. 2-9. 

72 Ibid., pp. 9-10. 

73 Journal des Etats-generaux, V. 139. Point du Jour, no. 114, p. 409. 
Patriote frangais, no. 77, p. 3. 

74 E.vtrait due Proces-verbal de I'Assamblee generate des Citoyens 
libres de Couleur, des Isles & Colonies frangaises * * * Du 31 octobre 
1789 (s. n. I. d.), 7. 

76 Observations de M. de Cockerel, Depute de Saint-D omingue , a VAs- 
semblee nationale, sur la Demande des Mula.tr es (Paris., s.d.), 6. Petition 
nouvelle des Citoyens de Couleur des lies frangaises a VAssemblee 
nationale; * * * (Paris, 18 mars 1791), 9. Raimond, Veritable Origine, 



PRELIMINARY DEALINGS 27 

made. The colonial deputies desired that their number be in- 
creased, it is true, but not by the addition of colored deputies. 

The danger was over for the moment, but the colonial depu- 
ties saw what must speedily be done. Another petition from the 
mulattoes might set the hall of the National Assembly ringing 
with appeals to revolutionary principles and cause slavery and 
class distinctions to be declared illegal and outrageous. Such 
questions, therefore, must be kept off the floor of the House and 
intrusted to a committee composed only of those who were most 
interested in the preservation of slavery and the political su- 
premacy of the planters. 76 

On October 27, the King's ministers unwittingly played into 
the hands of the colonial deputies by calling the attention of the 
National Assembly to the fact that the colonies differed funda- 
mentally from France in the matter of climate, products and 
social characteristics, and that the King had feared to send any 
of the new decrees to the colonies for execution lest disastrous 
results might follow. Therefore, the ministers hoped that the 
National Assembly would be good enough to indicate to them 
what course to pursue. 77 The question was referred to the com- 
mittee on agriculture and commerce, and the colonial deputies 
were ordered to assist this committee in the solution of the 
problem. 78 

This turn of events gave the colonial deputies their cue. On 
November 26, de Curt of Guadeloupe, speaking for the entire 

19. Gregoire, Lettre mix Philantropes (in Courier de Provence, XI), 
1 19-120. Statement of Gregoire to the National Assembly, Journal dcs 
Etats-generaux, XXV. 389-390. Moniteur (12 mai 1791), 54-6. 

76 Stoddard, op. cit., 85. As may be seen from what follows, Stoddard 
failed completely to understand why de Curt's motion for the appointment 
of a committee was defeated. 

77 Point du Jour, no. 118, pp. 465-466. 

78 Proces-verbal, no. 109, p. 7- 



28 THE FRENCH COLONIAL QUESTION 

colonial deputation, referred pointedly to the memorial of the 
King's ministers and declared that it was the custom of the 
National Assembly to appoint a special committee to deal with 
such problems as were here presented and that such a committee 
needed to be composed of deputies best qualified by knowledge 
and experience for the task in hand. In the present case, he 
said, there were questions to be settled relative to the navigation 
laws, the holding of "agricultural and commercial property" 
(slaves), and the degree of authority to be intrusted to colonial 
officials. He therefore moved the appointment of a committee 
on colonial constitutions, to be composed of the ten colonial 
deputies and ten merchant deputies engaged in colonial commerce, 
which should, at the earliest possible moment, present a report to 
the National Assembly. 79 

On first thought it might seem that all the white colonists 
would favor a measure which, if put through, would be tanta- 
mount to a removal of all colonial questions from the floor of 
the National Assembly into the quiet of a committee room where 
planter influence might easily prove paramount. But the motion, 
for various reasons, met with opposition. One group of white 
colonists wrote : "This committee once established will arrogate 
to itself the sole right to propose the innovations and the changes 
to be made in the islands and, consulting its own judgment alone, 
it will disdain instructions sent to it from the center of the 
colonies. We tremble when we think of the probable conse- 
quences." 80 And the Massiac Club, clinging tenaciously to its 
original policy of opposing all interference in colonial affairs by 
the revolutionary National Assembly, began planning as early 

19 Motion de M. de Curt, Depute de Guadeloupe, au Nom des Colonies 
reunies (Paris, 1789). Proces-verbal, no. 135, p. 21. 

80 Letter to the Massiac Club from the colonists at Bordeaux, dated 
January 5, 1790. Arch. Nat., Dxxv. 86. 



PRELIMINARY DEALINGS 29 

as November 19 to defeat de Curt's motion. Failing in their 
efforts to obtain a hearing at the bar, the Massiacs persuaded 
Blin, a deputy well known at the Club, to voice their sentiments 
on the floor. 81 A circular letter was then sent out to all pro- 
prietors affiliated with the Club, and their signatures were solicited 
for an address to the National Assembly. "Time is pressing," 
ran the letter ; "it is necessary that our address be ready ; M. Blin, 
deputy from Nantes, has promised to read it in the tribune and 
support it with a speech." 82 By November 24, Blin was in pos- 
session of the address and waiting for the opportunity to carry 
out his mission. 83 

As soon, accordingly, as de Curt, on November 26, had fin- 
ished speaking, Blin announced that he held in his hand an 
address signed by more than three hundred proprietors, in which 
the right of the so-called deputies to represent the colonies was 
challenged. A storm of protest from the floor greeted this state- 
ment ; 84 but Blin continued to speak despite the noise. "The island 
of Santo Domingo," the address declared, "has about twenty-five 
thousand white inhabitants. We estimate that, leaving the 
women and children out of account, only about twelve thousand 
have the right to vote. Of this number only about four thousand 
seem to have desired a representation in the National Assembly, 
and in some manner or other have elected deputies. Even if 
irregularities be winked at, the so-called deputies can not be said 
to represent more than about one-third the inhabitants of the 

81 Letter of the Massiac Club to M. Blin, dated November 19, 1789. 
Arch. Nat., Dxxv. 85. 

82 Letter of the M'assiac Club to its members, dated November 20, 
1789. Arch. Nat, Dxxv. 85. 

83 Letter of the Massiac Club to Blin. Arch. Nat., Dxxv. 85. 

84 Point du Jour, no. 146, p. 300. 



3 o THB FRENCH COLONIAL QUESTION 

colony.'' 85 Then the National Assembly was petitioned to lay 
on the table all motions relative to colonial affairs until the will 
of the colonies could be ascertained. The colonial deputies, taken 
unawares, as it would seem, were unable to make an adequate 
rejoinder; but they kept up an altercation with Blin until the 
national deputies, growing tired and hungry, began tumultuously 
to leave the hall, and the President, noticing this, adjourned the 
session before any decision had been reached. S6 On the next 
day the Massiac Club thanked Blin for his services and prayed 
him to keep up the fight. 87 

The discussion was opened again, on December I, by the 
reading of an address purporting to come from Santo Domingo, 
which declared that a terrible slave insurrection was going on 
in Martinique and expressed the fear that all the neighboring 
islands might soon be in flames. Another address from the depu- 
ties extraordinary of commerce and manufactures 88 corroborated 
this story, and a colonial deputy seized the occasion to denounce 
the Amis des Noirs as the authors of all these evils. • Then de 
Curt's motion was taken up, and Blin, who made the principal 
speech of the session, said in substance : It was a mistake in 

85 Papers of the Massiac Club. Arch. Nat., Dxxv. 86. Cf. loumal 
des Btats-generaux, VI. 163-164. 

86 Journal de Duquesnoy, II. 95. Proces-verbal, no. 135, p. 21. 
"Letter of the Massiac Club to M. Blin, dated November 27, 1789. 

Arch. Nat., Dxxv. 85. 

S8 The deputies extraordinary of commerce and manufactures — at 
first seventeen in number, later twenty-seven — represented the commercial 
and manufacturing interests of such cities as Marseilles, Lille, Dunkirk, 
Amiens, Bordeaux, La Rochelle, Nantes, Lorient, Havre, Saint Malo, 
Dieppe, and Rouen. They were officially recognized by the National 
Assembly on October 8, 1789, and given reserved seats in the gallery 
{Proces-verbal, no. 95, pp. 11-15; no. 192, p. 25). Till the dissolution 
of the National Assembly, they remained very much in evidence as a 
permanent and recognized "lobby" to whose opinion much deference 
was paid. 



PRELIMINARY DEALINGS 31 

the first place to admit the colonial deputies to the National As- 
sembly when it could be proved almost conclusively that their 
elections were invalid. Now it would be a greater mistake to 
permit them to have a controlling hand in making the colonial 
constitutions. Nor does the National Assembly itself have sufficient 
knowledge of local conditions in the colonies to attempt the task. 
The only safe and righteous way to deal with the problem is to 
leave to the colonists themselves the privilege of making their 
own constitutions, especially those of their interior regime, by 
means of local assemblies freely and regularly elected. A false 
move on our part, made in ignorance of local conditions, will in- 
evitably lead to the loss of our colonies. "The affair of the Anglo- 
American colonies is a prolific source of useful lessons which 
we should never lose from sight." Blin therefore moved that 
de dirt's motion be laid on the table. 89 In reply Gouy d'Arsy 
pointed out that the colonial assemblies mentioned by Blin 
would have to be summoned by the executive power and that 
the planters would not obey a summons issued by La Luzerne, 
"a minister justly execrated" in all the colonies. At once 
attention was diverted from the question at issue to this de- 
nunciation of the Minister of Marine, and voices were heard 
on all sides demanding that the speaker furnish proofs of 
his assertions. At this point, however, the day's session was 
adjourned amidst the confusion 90 . 

The decision of the question was eventually reached at the 
evening session of December 3. The debate opened with a 

811 Opinion, de M. Blin, Depute de Nantes, * * * P* Decembre 17S9. 
Printed by order of the National Assembly. Cf. Proces-verbal, no. 139, 
p. 16. 

90 For the entire debate of December 1, see Journal des Etats-gencraux, 
VI. 238-243; Point du Jour, no. 150, pp. 347-349; Courier de Provence, 
no. 74, pp. 11-13; Journal de Duquesnoy, II. 119-120; Proces-verbal, no. 
139. PP- 15-17- 



32 THE FRENCH COLONIAL QUESTION 

petition from a group of white colonists at Bordeaux that the 
National Assembly promise definitely never to interfere with 
the institution of slavery in the colonies. 91 The mulattoes had 
also submitted a petition that all discussion of de Curt's mo- 
tion be postponed until their credentials had been verified 
and accepted; 92 but the President of the National Assembly 
kept the latter petition in his pocket and said nothing about 
it. 93 Nevertheless, Abbe Gregoire raised the mulatto question 
despite the reticence of the President and defended the mu- 
latto cause despite the noise and tumult in the hall. "If 
there are active citizens in the colonies," he said, "who have 
grievances to redress, observations to make, or a constitution 
to demand, surely they have a perfect right to send deputies 
to the National Assembly. Now justice demands that the 
mulattoes have a representation. You can not form a colonial 
committee before you have decided the mulatto question." 94 
Then followed a string of arguments for and against the 
admission of mulatto deputies and a string of arguments for 
and against the appointment of a committee on colonial con- 
stitutions ; but at the close of the session the National Assembly 
left the mulatto question pending and decreed that for the 
time being a committee on colonial constitutions was not needed. 95 
There seemed to be a general conviction that the colonies were 
not properly represented and that the National Assembly lacked 

91 Journal des Etats-gencraux, VI. 271-272. 

92 Supplique et Petition des Citoyens de Couleur des Isles & Colonies 
frangaises, sur la Motion faite le 27 Novembre 1789, par M. de Curt 
* * * Du 2 Decembre 1789. 

93 Journal des Etats-generaux, VI. 273-277. 

94 Ibid., 277-278. 

95 Proces-verbal, no. 141, pp. 13- 14- 



PRELIMINARY DEALINGS 33 

sufficient knowledge of local conditions to deal with the interior 
regime of the colonies. 96 

Up to this time the mulattoes do not seem to have had any 
organized support from outsiders. "When we appeared at the 
bar of the National Assembly [October 22]," writes Raymond, 
"we were such strangers to the Societe des Amis des Noirs 
that we did not know of its existence." 97 But beginning with 
/^November, 1789, an active propaganda was carried on by the 
Amis des Noirs to secure the political enfranchisement of 
the mulattoes. "The Societe held a meeting yesterday," we 
read in the Patriot e frangais of December 7. "On motion of 
M. Brissot de Warville, it was resolved that a vote of thanks 
be extended, in the name of the Societe, to MM. l'Abbe 
Gregoire, Petion de Villeneuve and Charles Lameth for having 
defended the cause of the deputies of the colored men in the 
session of Friday, December 3, and for having developed the 
principles of equity and humanity which will prepare the 
way for the abolition of the slave trade and the gradual eman- 
cipation of the slaves; * * * that, besides, the Abbe Gre- 
goire will be enrolled among the honorary members of the 
Societe."™ Thus the enfranchisement of the mulattoes was 
to be a step toward the emancipation of the slaves. 

But the colonial deputies were fully alive to the danger 
and were carrying on a counter propaganda. On January 11, 
1790, they wrote to their constituents as follows: "We have 
sought out the most influential deputies in the bureaux, in 
the committees, in the various societies, and in the National 
Assembly itself; we have put the truth before their eyes and 

96 Cf. Correspondance de Thomas Lindet pendant la Constituante et 
la Legislative (1789- 179^), 59- 

97 Raymond, Response aux Considerations de M. Moreau, 14. 

98 Patriote frangais, no. 121, p. 2. 



34 THE FRENCH COLONIAL QUESTION 

won over to our side a great number. We have also scat- 
tered broadcast numerous writings calculated to rectify opinions ; 
we have caused pamphlets to be circulated in the cities of 
commerce, and we have thus aroused the merchants to send 
in petitions and remonstrances. The merchant deputies in the 
National Assembly, always our adversaries in regard to the 
navigation laws, have now found it advisable to unite with us 
upon all other questions, and their influence has served us 
we rj * * * w e are q U ite certain that there is nothing to 
be feared in regard to the emancipation of the - slaves, and little 
to be feared in regard to the abolition of the slave trade * * * 
The pretension of the mulattoes has not yet been recognized 
and we are doing our best to make it come to nothing * * ■* 
Upon all questions we feel able to report that, if appearances 
are not deceptive, the National Assembly will leave un- 
touched those things which interest us, until the colonies have 
formed their own constitutions, and that the National Assembly 
will then do no more than confirm these constitutions and 
pass them on to the King for sanction." 99 

This letter of the colonial deputies summarizes fairly well 
the situation at the beginning of the year 1790. The mulatto 
question, the question of the navigation laws, and the question 
of a committee on colonies had all been left pending. But 
the efforts of the colonial deputies had not been in vain. 
The National Assembly had been impressed with the fact that 
conditions in the colonies differed fundamentally from those 
in France and that the colonial constitutions should be 
framed in accordance with recommendations made by colonial 
assemblies freely and regularly elected. 

88 Correspondance secrete, 32-36. 



CHAPTER II. 

Adoption of a Colonial Policy 

After the election of the thirty-one deputies to the Estates 
General, 1 quiet reigned in Santo Domingo for several months. 
The group of planters at Cap Francais who had started the 
agitation for a representation contented themselves with the 
establishment of provincial committees, against which the 
Government took no action. 2 But on September 18, 1789, news 
of the taking of the Bastille reached Cap Erancais 3 and created 
great popular excitement. Crowds of petit s-blancs gathered in 
the streets and discussed the Revolution and what it meant for 
the colony. 4 The tri-colored cockade was adopted amid wild 
transports of joy, and government officials who refused to wear 
it or to take the "civic oath" were subjected to ill-treatment and 
violence. 5 But, on the other hand, the mulattoes were forbidden 
by the petits-blancs to wear the sacred emblem or take part in 
the public rejoicing, and, if they persisted in doing so, they 
were insulted and sometimes hanged. 6 Race prejudice was 
further inflamed by the letter which the colonial deputies wrote 

1 See ante, p. 10. 

2 Stoddard, op. cit., 90. 

3 Moreau de Saint-Mery, Considerations presentees aitx vrais Amis 
du Repos et du Bonheur de la France (Paris, 1791), 19- 

4 Gatereau, Histoire des Troubles de S.-Domingue, * * * (Paris, 
1792), 7. 

5 Gouy d'Arsy, Premiere Dcnonciation, 153-154- Garran, op. cit., I. 
71-78. 

6 Corrcspondancc de Julicn Raimond, avec ses Frcres, de Saint-Do- 
mingue, et les Pieces qui lui ont etc adressces par eux (Paris, l'An 
Deu'xieme de la Republique franchise), 4. Gatereau, op. cit., 20-25. 



36 THB FRENCH COLONIAL QUESTION 

on August 12, 7 and by rumors that mulattoes newly come from 
France were hiding in the forest ready to start an insurrec- 
tion and massacre the whites and seize control of the gov- 
ernment. 8 

Soon a revolutionary movement, similar to that in France 
a few months earlier, spread to all parts of the colony. The 
King's officials were set at defiance, and armed bands of petit s- 
b lanes went about from place to place murdering, pillaging, 
and terrorizing the mulattoes. 9 Soon, too, it was noticed that 
the slaves were disturbed by the general commotion and by 
vague rumors that they were all going to be free. "On 
October 21," writes Moreau de Saint-Mery, of conditions at 
Cap Francais, "excitement among the slaves was reported. 
Immediately drums were beating, the tocsin was ringing and 
alarm guns were sounding;" 10 and during an entire night the 
inhabitants remained under arms to repel the attack of twenty 
thousand slaves who were supposed to be hiding in the moun- 
tains ready to descend and sack the town. 11 Everywhere a mad 
search was made for Amis des Noirs, who were supposed to 
be arriving in the colony with arms for the slaves. 12 A great 
fear swept over the island, and anxious petitions were sent 
to France that the National Assembly declare itself positively 
against emancipation. 13 The whites said openly that, if slavery 

7 See ante, p. 18-19. Cf. Raimond, Veritable Origine, 6-7. 

8 Gatereau, op. cit., 24-25. Bore, Faits relatifs aux Troubles de Saint- 
Domingue, * * * (Paris, 1792), 5-6. 

,J Raimond, Veritable Origine, 6-14. Edwards, op. cit., 22. Gatereau, 
op. cit., 45-48. Garran, op. cit., I. 109-1131; II. 10-11. Journal des Btats- 
generaux, XXV. 382-383, 390. 

i0 Moreau de Saint Mery, Considerations, 19-20. 

11 Moniteur (12 Janvier 1790), 46. Gatereau, op. cit., 13-14. 

1? Moniteur (12 Janvier 1790), 46; ibid. (6 fevrier 1790), 146. Moreau 
de Saint-M'ery, Considerations, 19-20. 

18 See ante, 32. Cf. Moniteur (6 fevrier, 1790), 146. 



ADOPTION OP A COLONIAL POLICY 37 

were interfered with, Santo Domingo knew how to imitate 
the example of the Anglo-American colonies to the north. 14 

During this period of confusion, the Ancien Regime in Santo 
Domingo collapsed, as it had done in France, and under pre- 
text of keeping order bands of patriotic troops called "national 
guards" were formed ; but, unlike their prototypes across the 
sea, these military companies were composed of lawless char- 
acters bent on revolution and the destruction of the royal 
authority. In the Northern Province, Bacon de la Chevalerie, 
a turbulent nobleman, was elected Captain General of the 
national guards and, with eighteen aides-de-camp following at 
his heels, he played no inconsiderable role. 15 One of his first 
acts, on assuming office, was to send a company of five hun- 
dred men to arrest the Intendant, Barbe-Marbois, at Port-au- 
Prince ; but the Intendant escaped on a frigate, 16 leaving the 
Government in the nerveless hands of the Comte de Peynier 
whom nobody feared. 

At the same time a movement was under way for the 
formation of popular assemblies in each of the three provinces. 
That which met at Cap Frangais on November 2, 1789, 17 proved 
the most radical and deserves the most attention. After having 
elected Bacon de la Chevalerie President and confirmed him 
in his position as Captain General of the national guards, this 
assembly declared itself vested with full executive and legis- 
lative powers in the Northern Province. It declared its mem- 
bers inviolable and granted them indemnity for past offenses ; 

"Bore, op. cit., 6. 

15 Gatereau, op. cit., 20. 

™Moniteur (12 Janvier 1790), 46. Gatereau, op. cit., 13, 15. 

17 Lettre de I'Assemblee provinciate de la Partie du Nord de Saint- 
Domingue, a Messieurs des Comitcs de I'Ouest et du Sud, * * * (Cap 
Francois, 1790),, 32. 



38 THB FRBNCH COLONIAL QUESTION 

it took charge of the public treasury and ordered the acting 
Intendant to report to it his financial accounts ; and through 
its President, Bacon de la Chevalerie, it controlled the na- 
tional guards. 18 When Governor Peynier protested against 
this usurpation of authority, Bacon de la Chevalerie replied that 
Santo Domingo could not be governed except by her own 
consent and that the Governor had forfeited his right to be 
obeyed by his refusal to take the "civic oath." Then the 
Conseil Superieur interfered on the side of the Governor, and 
annulled all the decrees of the provincial assembly and forbade 
it to meddle thereafter in administrative affairs. The assembly 
replied by restoring the old Conseil Superieur at Cap Francais 
and declaring the members of the Conseil Superieur at Port- 
au-Prince traitors and public enemies. 19 

While this controversy was in progress, a ship touched at 
Cap Frangais with dispatches for the Governor. The as- 
sembly, suspecting intrigue, opened the packet and discovered 
a plan for a general colonial assembly, which, as we have 
noticed, had been drawn up in France by the Massiac Club, 
the colonial deputies, and the Minister of Marine. With the 
plan was a private letter to the Governor in which the Min- 
ister says': "Although you are not expected to be present at 
the sessions of this assembly, * * * you can influence, by 
way of persuasion, the opinions of the members who compose 
it ; and I do not doubt that you can, in this way, prevent 
or modify any tendency toward violent action." 20 Naturally, 
the discovery of this surreptitious advice added fuel to the 
flames. These words, wrote the provincial assembly, can only 

18 Moniteur (3 mars 1790), 251. Garran, op. cit., I. 80-85. 

19 Moniteur, ibid. Garran, op. cit., I. 85-88. 

20 Depeches de M. le Comte de la Luzerne, Ministre de la Marine, aux 
Administrateurs de Saint-Domingue (Cap Frangais, 1789), 4. 



ADOPTION OP A COLONIAL POLICY 39 



mean "seduce, corrupt by promises, false or foul, — yes, intimi- 
date by threats, by the fear of some stroke of authority." 21 
Unanimously and indignantly the plan was rejected, and 
printed copies of it were distributed to the public, with ex- 
planatory comments appended, so that all good patriots might 
see and understand the perfidy of the agents of despotism. 22 

And the example of the provincial assembly at Cap Francais 
was followed, in a modest way, by the two other provincial 
assemblies. If the colony was to be saved from anarchy, the 
National Assembly needed to interfere. 

Meanwhile the revolutionary spirit had profoundly affected 
Martinique. On the northwestern coast of this island was 
the flourishing city of Saint Pierre, the official port of entry 
for maritime commerce. Here the French merchants had 
their agents, their warehouses and their banks, and here lived 
one third the white population of the colony. 23 In the interior 
of the island were the planters, indebted to and dependent on 
the merchants for the common necessities of life and irritated 
because the only outlet for their plantation products was 
through the port of Saint Pierre. 24 On the coast further south 
was Fort Royal, the seat of the colonial government. Here, 
since 1787, had been allowed to sit at intervals a colonial 
assembly composed, however, only of military and civil officials 
and other nominees of the Governor. The most important act 
of this assembly had been the imposition of a tax of 33 liv. 
on each slave kept in the cities, the intention being to force 
the slaves back to the plantations where they were most 

21 Lettre de I'Assemblce provinciate, 4. 

22 Supra, note 20. 

28 Rapport fait a I'Assemblce coloniale de la Guadeloupe, le 10 Novembre 
1790, au Norn de la Deputation envoyee a la Martinique pour y Btablir 
la Pair (Paris, s.d.), 4. 

24 Report of Barnave, Monxteur (30 novembre 1790), 1381. 



4 o THB FRENCH COLONIAL QUESTION 

needed. The slave owners of Fort Royal paid the tax, but 
those of Saint Pierre positively refused and the Government 
failed in its efforts to coerce them. 25 Thus there was chronic 
ill-feeling between Saint Pierre and the planters, on the one 
hand, and, on the other, bad blood between Saint Pierre and 
the Government. 

When news of the taking- of the Bastille reached Saint 
Pierre and Fort Royal, September, 1789, there was great 
popular rejoicing. The petits-blancs began to wear the tri- 
colored cockade and their example was imitated by the troops. 
Viomenil, the Governor ad interim, at first made himself popular 
by giving his sanction to these popular demonstrations ; but 
later, at a public fete, he gave a kiss, or accolade, to a mulatto 
present and ordered the troops to regard the mulattoes thence- 
forth as their comrades. 26 This attempt to obliterate color 
distinctions aroused great indignation at Fort Royal, where 
the scene occurred, and race riots ensued. Word was soon 
passed on to Saint Pierre where a committee was formed for 
the purpose of forcing the Governor either to embark for 
France or to summon the colonial assembly. Viomenil, seeing 
that he had lost control of the situation, chose the latter alter- 
native, 27 and thus set the machinery of Revolution in motion. 

The assembly of 1787, accordingly, met at Fort Royal; 
but it declined to put the Governor on trial for treason, as 
popular clamor demanded, claiming justly that such a question 
did not fall within its competence. After a few days' session 

^Rapport fait * * * le 10 Novembre 1790, 4. Gonyn, P., Rapport 
fait a I'Assemblee nationale, sur les Troubles de la Martinique; * * * 
(Paris, 1792), 12. 

""Gonyn, Rapport, II. Moniteur (6 decerabre T789). 49. 

27 Gonyn, Rapport, 12. Rapport fait * * * le 10 Novembre 1790, 5- 
Moreau de Saint- Mery, Considerations. 18. 



ADOPTION OF A COLONIAL POLICY 41 

it arranged for the election of another assembly, and then 
dissolved. 28 

The new assembly, composed of one hundred twenty-one 
deputies, met at Fort Royal on November 16, 1789. Its avowed 
purpose was to elect deputies to the National Assembly and 
to draw up cahiers of grievances ; 29 but this purpose was quickly 
lost sight of in the controversy which arose between the 
planters and the merchants. At the first session it was noticed 
that Saint Pierre had thirty-seven deputies who voted en bloc, 
and that there was a small number of floating votes which 
were just as likely to be cast with the merchants as with the 
planters. So the planters could not feel certain of a majority 
and raised the complaint that Saint Pierre had too many dep- 
uties. As a compromise measure, it was proposed that the 
assembly be divided into a chamber of merchants and a 
chamber of planters, but this proposal was promptly rejected. 
Then a motion was made that a new election be held, that five 
slaves be counted as three citizens, and that a new distribu- 
tion of seats be made in accordance with the revised census; 
but this motion was also laid on the table, whereupon forty- 
two planters walked out of the hall in protest. At this junc- 
ture, however, Viomenil interfered as peace-maker and per- 
suaded the recalcitrant planters to return to their seats. 30 

The assembly now declared itself vested with legislative 
and administrative powers, but it allowed the Governor, as 
representing the King, to exercise the right of suspensive veto. 
Then it proceeded to adopt decrees providing for the forma- 
tion of national guards and of revolutionary city governments, 
or "municipalities", and reduced the tax on slaves kept in the 

28 Gonyn, Rapport, 12. Rapport fait * * * le 10 Novembre, 5. 

20 Gonyn, Rapport, 12. 

K Rapport fait * * * le 10 Novembre, 6. Gonyn, Rapport, 13. 



4 2 THE FRENCH COLONIAL QUESTION 

cities to 25 liv. To these measures Saint Pierre gave a 
ready assent, but when four ports were declared open to 
commerce Saint Pierre protested vigorously. In this contro- 
versy Viomenil took sides with the planters and gave his 
approval to all the decrees, but Foulon, the Intendant, took 
his stand with the merchants and refused to recognize the 
opening of the ports. Then the assembly, on pretext that unity 
was necessary to the action of government, declared the office 
of Intendant abolished as useless and onerous and, foreseeing 
that trouble would ensue, it authorized the Governor to proclaim 
martial law throughout the colony. The deputies of Saint 
Pierre protested that the last decrees were invalid because they 
had been adopted in the absence of a quorum, but their protest 
was disregarded. On December 10, after having arranged for 
the election of a new assembly to meet on February 25, 1790, 
in which Saint Pierre should have only nineteen deputies out 
of eighty-one, the assembly dissolved. 31 

Thus at Fort Royal the planters had gained the upper hand, 
but at Saint Pierre there was great indignation. Hostile 
demonstrations against the Government greeted the proclamation 
of martial law and Viomenil, helpless and afraid, summoned 
the assembly to meet again in extra session. The planters 
returned willingly enough, but the deputies for Saint Pierre 
refused to heed the summons. Then the planters, sitting alone, 
resolved to secede from Saint Pierre and organize a govern- 
ment of their own ; but the merchants, to whom the planters 
owed enormous sums, refused to tolerate secession, and for 
several months civil war was imminent. 32 The National As- 
sembly needed to interfere, therefore, to save Martinique from 
self-destruction. 

"■Rapport fait * * * le 10 Novembre, 7-9. Gonyn, Rapport, 14-15. 
32 Rapport fait * * * le 10 Novembre, 9-10. Gonyn, Rapport, 19-25. 



ADOPTION OF A COLONIAL POLICY 43 

When tidings of these disturbances in. the colonies reached 
Paris, the National Assembly was occupied with the suppres- 
sion of feudal rights and, as usual, was hard pressed for time. 
The information regarding the colonies, furnished by the Min- 
ister of Marine, on February 25, 1790, was listened to without 
comment. 33 The gravity of the situation was further empha- 
sized, at the evening session of the same day, by the appearance 
at the bar of an imposing deputation of armed men calling 
themselves "the patriotic army of Bordeaux". They denounced 
the Amis des Noirs as dangerous traitors, and petitioned the 
National Assembly to decree solemnly that there would never 
t>e any interference with slavery or the slave trade. The 
prosperity of the colonies, the commerce of France, agriculture, 
manufactures — all, they said, depend on the maintenance of 
slavery and the slave trade. 34 Then "the patriotic army" was 
succeeded at the bar by the deputies extraordinary of commerce 
and manufactures. The fear that slavery and the slave trade 
will be interfered with, they said, has wrought havoc in the 
colonies. Commerce and manufactures are suffering terribly 
from the evil effects. The financial depression can be relieved 
-only by a decree guaranteeing slavery and the slave trade. 35 
Still, however, no discussion followed. It was decided to post- 
pone action in the matter until the documents mentioned by 
the Minister of Marine could be systematized and examined. 36 

On March 2, the committee on reports, to which had been 
referred all the documents mentioned by the Minister, 37 gave 

33 Point du Jour, no. 225, pp. 185-186. Journal des Dcbats et des 
JDccrets, no. 185, pp. 1-2. 

Si Moniteur (1 mars 1790), 243, Courier de Provence, VI. 425. 

35 Monitcur (1 mars 1790), 243. 

30 Proccs-verbal, no. 212, p. 23. 

37 Ibid., no. 213, p. 1; no. 215, p. 13. 



44 THB FRENCH COLONIAL QUESTION 

a superficial and fragmentary account of the disturbances in 
both Santo Domingo and Martinique. No deputy, unless 
perchance he were already well informed on colonial conditions, 
could have followed the report with more than a glimmer of 
intelligence ; and before it was finished, Alexandre Lameth in- 
terrupted with the suggestion that precious time might be 
saved by the appointment of a committee on colonies to study 
conditions and recommend a course of action. But to this 
suggestion Cocherel demurred because, as it would seem, the 
colonial deputies did not desire a committee on colonies unless 
they had the assurance that they could control the composition 
of it. And so, despite the effort to save time, a debate arose 
over the order of procedure and dragged its weary length along 
until the President arbitrarily interfered with the demand that 
the committee on reports be allowed to continue its account. 
The wishes of the President were complied with, though not 
without complaint; and when the report was finished, the debate 
was renewed with warmth and vigor. So many deputies desired 
to express opinions that each prospective speaker had to inscribe 
his name upon a list and await his turn. After awhile Lameth's 
motion was divided . into two parts and stated interrogatively : 
Shall a committee on colonies be appointed? How shall the 
committee be composed? The discussion of the first division 
had already begun and thirty-three names had already been 
inscribed upon the list, when Abbe Maury, a brilliant and fear- 
less debater, proposed that the question of the slave trade be 
discussed on the next day without reference to a committee. 
National bankruptcy will be inevitable, he said, unless this 
question be decided at once. There were many in the hall who 
thought the Abbe was right, and loud murmurs of approval 
were heard on all sides ; but there were others who saw danger 
in the consequences and called loudly for Lameth's motion. 



ADOPTION OF A COLONIAL POLICY 45 

Twice the President tried to put Maury's motion to a vote, 
but each time the confusion was so great that no result could 
be determined. Eventually the "ayes" and "noes" were taken 
by roll call and the motion was found to be lost by a narrow 
margin of 343 to 310. 38 If the motion had passed, a debate, 
fast and furious, might have raged for days and ended with 
a victory for the Amis des Noirs. The defeat of the motion 
confined the discussion of the slave question within the narrow 
walls of a committee room where ringing appeals to the rights 
of man might be expected to meet with less sympathy. Lameth's 
motion was more in accord with general sentiment, and in con- 
sequence, "the National Assembly resolved to establish a com- 
mittee which shall be charged to examine the petition of the 
'patriotic army of Bordeaux' and that of the deputies extra- 
ordinary of commerce and manufactures, and to examine the 
affair of Santo Domingo and that of Martinique; to make a 
report of everything to the National Assembly and present a 
draft decree." 39 

So the committee on colonies had come at last, but the 
colonial deputies seemed to find little comfort in the thought. 
Just as the second division of Lameth's motion was about to 
be put to vote, Cocherel asked that no colonial deputies be 
appointed on the committee ; but his request was disregarded. 
The National Assembly resolved that the Icommittee should 
be composed of twelve deputies chosen indiscriminately from 
the whole body of deputies. 40 Then the colonial deputies held 
a secret meeting and resolved among themselves that they 
would accept no appointment on the committee nor recognize 

38 Point du Jour, no. 230, p. 261. Journal des Debats et des Decrets, 
no. 190, p. 7. Proccs-verbal, no. 217, p. 5. Patriote frangais, no. 207, p. 2. 

39 Proccs-verbal, no. 217, p. 5. 

40 Proccs-verbal, no. 217, pp. 5-6. Moniteur (4 mars 1790), 255. 



46 THE FRENCH COLONIAL QUESTION 

its existence. 41 They would have none of it, if they could not 
■control its composition. 

On March 3, at the close of the morning session, the 
National Assembly divided into bureamv, or sections, as was the 
rule in the selection of committees, 42 and selected the members 
of the committee on colonies. There was little opportunity for 
intrigue or personal solicitation. The twelve who received the 
highest number of votes were declared appointed. 43 

At the morning session of March 4, the result was an- 
nounced. Some of the members can be identified as having 
personal or pecuniary interests in the colonies and, having such 
interests, they naturally sympathized with the views of the 
white colonists. Others can not be so identified. But in no 
case had any of them expressed an opinion unfavorable to 
slavery, the slave trade, or any other institution which the 
white colonists were interested in preserving. Gerard and 
Reynaud were colonial deputies from Santo Domingo ; Payen 
de Boisneuf, 44 Pellerin de la Buxiere, 45 and Alexandre Lameth 46 

41 Gazette de Paris (By de Rozoi, started October 1, 1789), 7 mars 
1790. 

42 Committees were selected in the following manner : The whole 
body of deputies separated into thirty bureaux. When this was done, 
each deputy received an official ballot upon which he wrote the names 
of the men for whom he voted. The ballots were then collected in each 
bureau, and each bureau made a list of all the names of the men for 
whom its members had voted, placing opposite the name of each candidate 
the number of votes which he received in the bureau. When all the 
bureaux had voted, the thirty lists were handed in to the Secretaries of 
the National Assembly, who, in turn, made a single list of all the names 
of the men for whom votes had been cast, placing opposite the name of 
each candidate the number of vote which he received. The committee 
was composed of those who received the highest number of votes. 
Rcglcment a I'Usage de fAssemblee nationale, pp. 3, 12. 

45 The final count was as follows: Begouen, 582; Champagny, 382; 
Thouret, 371; Gerard, 369; Le Chapelier, 331; Garescbe, 330; Pellerin 
de la Buxiere, 328; Comte de Reynaud, 309, Alquier, 303; Payen de 



ADOPTION OF A COLONIAL POLICY 47 

were colonial proprietors resident in France. Barnave of 
Dauphine had no possessions in the colonies ; but he was on 
intimate terms of friendship with the Lameth brothers — even 
lived in the house with them 47 — and naturally shared their views 
on colonial questions. Begouen and Garesche were wealthy 
merchants — the one from La Rochelle, the other from Havre — 
and both were interested in the colonial commerce. Thouret, 
a lawyer, was deputy from Rouen, a city engaged in the 
slave trade, and Alquier, a lawyer, was connected with the 
court of admiralty at La Rochelle, a city also engaged in the 
slave trade. Nompere de Champagny was an officer of marine, 
and Le Chapelier was from Rennes. 48 Thus to the colonial 
deputies, the committee, after all, seemed to have a benignant 
aspect. What would be gained if Gerard and Reynaud should 
refuse to serve as members? Maury and Cazales, two deputies 
known to be mischief-makers, would at once take their places 
and the National Assembly would proceed with its work as 
if nothing had happened. The situation might be much worse. 
Accordingly, on March 4, the colonial deputies held another 

Boisneuf, 278; Alexandre Lameth 277; Barnave, 272; Abbe 'Miaury, 263; 
Cazales, 235; Gaschet de Lisle, 200; de Lacheze, 195; de Bouville, 190; 
de Saint-Simon, 190; l'Archeveque dArles, 187; Fontenay, 183; Durget, 
172; de Bressy, 168. Mirabeau also received a small number of votes. 
Of those selected, Barnave stood lowest in the list. Maury and Cazales 
were declared suppliants. Journal de Duquesnoy, II. 439-440. 

44 Printed letter of Payen de Boisneuf, beginning with these words : 
Francais, la patrie est en peril (s.l.n.d.), 1-2. 

45 Liste des Proprietaires de Biens situes dans les Colonies * * * 
(Paris, s. d.). 37. 

46 Oeuvres de Barnave (Paris, 1843), II. 139. Garran, op. cit., I. 128- 
129; II. 177. 

47 In a list of the members of the Jacobin Club published by Aulard 
{La Socictc des Jacobins, I. xxxvi), Barnave's address was Hotel Lameth, 
Cul-de-sac Notre-Dame-des-Champs. Cf. Oeuvres de Barnave, I. lxvii. 

48 Journal de Duquesnoy, II. 439. 



48 THE FRENCH COLONIAL QUESTION 

meeting — in the absence of Cocherel, however, — and agreed 
among themselves to withdraw their protest concerning the 
committee and accept the consequences. 49 

The committee began its work doubtless 50 by selecting its 
best qualified member to act as reporter and general defender 
of its policies. As the problem to be dealt with was com- 
plicated and as the presentation of a draft decree was ex- 
pected within four days, 51 the reporter needed to be clever, 
industrious, enthusiastic — capable of grasping rapidly the 
"threads of a tangled situation. If he were eloquent above 
ordinary men and, to all outward appearances, disinterested in 
the issues at stake, so much the better. These qualifications 
would be a great asset when the report should be presented 
to the National Assembly. For this important post Barnave 
was chosen, and till the end of September, 1791, he was the 
most active and the most conspicuous member of the committee. 

At this time Barnave was but twenty-eight years old. 52 From 
the very opening of the Estates General he had made a re- 
markable reputation for himself by his powers as an extempore 
orator. "He talks," said an observer of these early efforts, 
"with the fire, the force, the energy of a Demosthenes." 5 " 
When the National Assembly divided on the question of the 
Veto, he took up his position on the Left Center and formed 
there with Alexandre Lameth and Adrien Duport the cele- 

49 Gazette de Paris, 7 mars 1790. 

60 The minutes of the committee on colonies are lost. A personal and 
official search made in the Archives Nationales, during the summer of 1914, 
failed to uncover them; and a search made by M. L,eon Desdhamps sev- 
eral years ago in the Minisitere des Colonies was also fruitless. Cf. 
Deschamps, Les Colonies pendant la Revolution, xii. 

51 The National Assembly had instructed the committee to present a 
draft decree on March 8. Proccs-verbal, no. 217, pp. 5-6. 

82 Oeuvres de Barnave, I. iv. 

53 Journal des Etats-generaux, II. 143. 



ADOPTION OF A COLONIAL POLICY 49 

brated "triumvirate" which, more nearly than any other group, 
controlled the policies of the National Assembly during the 
year 1790. He spoke quite frequently, but seldom made a 
solid contribution to the discussion. He usually rose only to 
speak incidentally or to clarify the points at issue when the 
debaters became confused. He was apparently a good lis- 
tener ; and his interference at the close of debates frequently 
resulted in the adoption of important decrees, but it is mere 
likely that he was being led than that he was leading. When 
he was appointed on the committee on Colonies he was 
perhaps the most popular orator in the National Assembly, 
but as a constructive statesman his ability had not been tested. 
The solution of the colonial problem was to be the test. 

The committee had been appointed primarily for the pur- 
pose of devising means whereby peace and order could be 
restored in the colonies ; but how to restore order was the 
question. An appeal to force, the most obvious way, was op- 
posed to the spirit of the Revolution and repulsive to the 
members of the National Assembly. The alternative was to 
grant such reforms as the planters desired and the mer- 
chants would permit. Accordingly, the colonial deputies ap- 
peared before the committee and explained their plans for 
home rule and for the modification of the navigation laws. 3 * 
Even the Massiac Club sent notes and documents ; 55 and we 
may well think that the deputies of commerce and manufactures 
were not backward in giving advice. As a result, the com- 
mittee could and did confine its attention wholly to the task 
of harmonizing the various plans laid before it ; and this fact 
explains how the committee was able, within the remarkable 

"Garran, op. cit., I. 140-143. 
65 Deschamps, op. cit., 88-89. 



5 o THE FRENCH COLONIAL QUESTION 

short period of four days, to recommend to the National As- 
sembly a well defined colonial policy. 

At the appointed time, March 8, Barnave made his report. 
Imitating the familiar voice of the planter and the merchant, 
he declared that the commercial prosperity of France was so 
intimately bound to her colonial possessions that a great 
financial panic would follow the loss or abandonment of the 
colonies. Factories for colonial products would cease oper- 
ation; great bodies of workmen would be thrown out of em- 
ployment ; flourishing cities would fall into decay ; and many 
commodities, then home products, would have to be imported 
at great expense from abroad. From the effects of inactivity, 
the merchant marine would cease to exist, and England would 
control even the coast trade of France. Many people blinded 
by despair would sigh for the return of the Ancien Regime 
and join the factions opposed to the Revolution. So it was 
necessary that the colonies be saved, and salvation could be 
wrought only by the three following remedies : the abolition 
of the arbitrary government, the modification of the naviga- 
tion laws, and the destruction of the propaganda carried on 
by the Amis des Noirs. Therefore he proposed the following 
as a decree : Each colony shall be permitted to have an assembly 
elected in conformity with an Instruction which will be drafted 
by the National Assembly and sent to the colony. This 
colonial assembly shall be authorized to draft a constitution for 
the interior regime of the colony and submit the draft to the 
National Assembly for approval. If the National Assembly 
should find that the draft of constitution conforms to the gen- 
eral principles which bind the colonies to the mother country, 
the National Assembly will accept it and submit it to the King 
for his sanction. That order may be restored in the colonies 
as quickly as possible, each colonial assembly shall be authorized 



ADOPTION OF A COLONIAL POLICY 51 

to put into execution the decrees of the National Assembly 
relative to the organization of municipalities and administrative 
assemblies, and it shall even be authorized to make such changes 
in these decrees as local conditions may necessitate; but in 
case of such changes, the execution of the decrees shall be only 
provisional, pending the ultimate approval of the National 
Assembly and the saction of the King. The colonial assembly 
shall, moreover, be authorized to suggest to the National As- 
sembly what modifications in the navigation laws will be most 
conductive to colonial happiness and prosperity, and the National 
Assembly, after having heard the representations of the com- 
mercial interests of France in regard to the matter, will decide 
in its wisdom what modifications shall be made. The consti- 
tution of France shall not be applicable to the colonies; and, 
"besides, the National Assembly does not intend to make inno- 
vations, either direct or indirect, in any of the branches of 
commerce between France and the colonies ; it puts the colonists 
and their property under the special safe-guard of the nation 
and declares guilty of treason whosoever seeks to foment risings 
against them." 56 

As may be seen, the adoption of this decree would guarantee 
the necessary reforms and give the necessary assurances. 
Arbitrary government would be abolished and home rule granted 
to the colonists; slavery and the slave trade would be guar- 
anteed, and a prospect be offered for the modification of the 
navigation laws through mediation. But of course the Amis 
des Noirs and other philanthropists were displeased and de- 
sired to oppose the adoption of the decree with all their might. 
Hardly had Barnave finished than Petion tried to make his 
voice heard and Mirabeau, purple with rage, rushed to the 

66 Rap port fait a I'Assemblee nationale, le 8 mars 1790, au Xom du 
Comite des Colonies, par M. Barnave, Depute du Dauphine (Paris, 1790). 



52 THE FRENCH COLONIAL QUESTION 

tribune, shouting, "Cowardly knaves that you are"; but loud 
calls of "question", "question", drowned the voices of the 
speakers. The decree, as Barnave proposed it, was adopted 
by acclamation amid vociferous applause. 57 The colonial depu- 
ties were highly pleased with the outcome, and at their instance 
a corvette was dispatched to the colonies with the glad tidings. 

Unhappily for the planters, however, the committee had in- 
sisted on appending to the decree an Instruction to guide the 
colonists in the election of their assemblies and in the drafting 
of their constitutions ; and, what is most important, this 
Instruction could hardly be drafted without defining in some 
way the qualifications for active citizenship in the colonies. 
Now, should the mulattoes be recognized as active citizens? 
That was the thorny question. On March 14, de Joly led his 
colored clients before the committee and pleaded for this recog- 
nition. A member of the committee has left a record of what 
happened. "I saw with pain," writes Gerard, "that this plea 
made a deep impression on the mind of M. Thouret, the presi- 
dent of our committee, as well as upon the majority of the 
other members. I tried hard, and so did MM. Garesche, Rey- 
naud, Payen de Boisneuf and Pellerin de la Buxiere, to make 
the committee understand how inconvenient it would be, under 
the circumstances, to give the formal recognition here de- 
manded. We pointed out that, at a time when so many other 
anxieties torment the colonists, there would be a great danger 
in giving them a new cause for complaint; that it would be 
wiser and more seemly to leave to the colonial assemblies the 
happy privilege of exercising a generosity so well calculated to 
inspire the mulattoes with sentiments of affection and gratitude, 

67 Journal de Duquesnoy, II. 444. Moniteur (9 mars 1790). Point 
du Jour, no. 236, pp. 344-345. Courier de Provence, VI. 541-554. Proces- 
verbal no. 223, p. 7. 



ADOPTION OF A COLONIAL POLICY 53 

and to establish the most beautiful harmony among the differ- 
ent classes which compose the colonies." 58 How much weight 
this argument had may be inferred from the fact that the 
committee declined to define the qualifications for active citizen- 
ship clearly and without equivocation. The Instruction, as we 
shall see, contained an ambiguous franchise clause which was 
vaguely understood to be only temporary in its application. 

On March 23, Barnave read the Instruction to the National 
Assembly. It was drafted expressly for Santo Domingo but 
provision was made for its application to the other colonies. In 
substance it ran as follows : Immediately after the official pub- 
lication of the decree of March 8 and the present Instruction 
in the colony, "all persons aged twenty-five years and upwards, 
possessing real estate or, in default of such property, domiciled 
for two years in the parish and paying taxes, shall meet and 
form the parochial assembly * * * If there does not exist 
in the colony a colonial assembly previously elected or if the 
existing assembly voluntarily dissolves, the parochial assembly 
shall proceed at once to elect deputies to a colonial assembly." 
But "if, at the time the parochial assembly is formed, there 
exists in the colony a colonial assembly previously elected and 
if this assembly does not voluntarily dissolve," then the paro- 
chial assembly, instead of electing deputies, shall proceed to 
vote for the confirmation or dissolution of the existing colonial 
assembly. The votes of each parish shall be equal in number 
to that of the deputies which the parish is entitled to have in 
the colonial assembly. At the end of a fortnight thereafter the 
Governor shall count the votes of all the parishes and announce 
the result. A bare majority of votes will determine whether 
the existing assembly shall continue in session or dissolve. If 
the vote be for dissolution, the enfranchised citizens shall meet 
in parochial assemblies for the second time, and elect deputies 



54 THE FRENCH COLONIAL QUESTION 

to a new colonial assembly in accordance with the provisions 
of the Instruction. 

The colonial assembly, thus elected or confirmed, shall pro- 
ceed at once to the task of organizing municipalities and ad- 
ministrative assemblies, and of drafting a constitution as pro- 
vided in the decree of March 8. It shall determine how the 
colonial legislature shall be composed and how elected; it shall 
fix the qualifications for active citizenship. But in organizing 
the executive power, it must provide for a Governor appointed 
by and responsible to the King; and in organizing the legislative 
power, it must observe the distinction between the interior regime 
and the exterior regime of the colony. Laws of a purely local 
character shall be made in the colony by the colonial legislature 
and may be executed provisionally with the sanction of the 
Governor, pending the ultimate approval of the national legis- 
lature and the sanction of the King. But laws of the exterior 
regime — that is, laws pertaining to commerce and military de- 
fense — may be proposed, not made, by the colonial legislature, 
except that in times of dearth laws concerning the introduction 
of food-stuff may be made by the colonial legislature and pro- 
vissionally executed with the sanction of the Governor. 59 

As may be seen, the Instruction disfranchised, temporarily at 
least, the petits-blancs and gave the preponderance of political 
power to the planters. But it did not explicitly disfranchise the 
mulattoes, and for this reason the colonial deputies were dis- 
pleased with it. "The colonies," said Reynaud, "owe especial 
thanks to M. Barnave for having so clearly and so eloquently 

58 Letter of Gerard to the committee at Les Cayes, Santo Domingo, 
dated March IS, 1790. Printed in Correspondance de Julien Raimond, 
avec ses Freres, 515-57. 

59 Instruction pour les Colonies, Presentee a I'Assemblee nationale, au 
Norn du Comite charge de ce Travail, le 23 Mars 1790. Par M. Barnave,. 
Depute du Dauphine (Paris, J. d.). 



ADOPTION OP A COLONIAL POLICY 55 

made known their importance, and for having expressed so 
energetically the maternal sentiments of France for her colonies ;" 
but speaking from his own intimate knowledge of colonial con- 
ditions, Reynaud declared that the Instruction would destroy 
the beneficient effects of the decree of March 8. Then, as a 
sort of minority report, he proposed another Instruction which 
skilfully dispensed with all reference to a franchise clause. 60 
But his proposal was rejected. The National Assembly ordered 
Barnave's Instruction to be printed and distributed, and post- 
poned the discussion. 61 

When the debate was resumed on March 28, the colonial 
deputies began with one accord to oppose the adoption of the 
Instruction. "A colonial assembly," said Cocherel, "is already in 
session in Santo Domingo; so there is no need to send the 
Instruction to that colony. This inference is in conformity with 
your principles. You desire that the colonists make their own 
constitution, and therefore you should leave them the privilege 
of electing their own assemblies * * * You have already 
done enough for the colonies. Go ahead with your own work" 
and leave the colonies alone. 62 In reply, Abbe Maury de- 
nounced the spirit of independence manifested by the colonists, 
and criticized the Instruction for leaving the colonies too loosely 
bound to the mother country. After awhile Abbe Gregoire 
raised again the vexed question of the mulattoes. "I fear," said 
he, "that article IV [the franchise clause of the Instruction] 
is a little ambiguous in one place; but the colonial deputies tell 
me that they do not intend to deprive the mulattoes of eligi- 

eo Observations de M. le C te de Reynaud, Depute de Saint-Domingue, sur 
quelques Articles du Projet d'Instruction prcsente par le Comite colonial 
des Douse, pour etre adresse aux Colonies avec le Dccret du 8 Mars 
(Paris, 1790). 

01 Proccs-verbal, no. 238, p. 8. 

02 Moniteur (29 mars 1790), 362. 



5 6 THE FRENCH COLONIAL QUESTION 

bility [to active citizenship] and so I yield the floor on con- 
dition that they yield on the aristocracy of color." Cocherel: 
"They did not say that. I protest in the name of my province." 
Gregoire: "M. Arthur Dillon [deputy for Martinique] told me 
that such was the intention of the colonial deputation." Cocherel : 
"M. Arthur Dillon can talk for Martinique as he pleases, but 
he can not do the honors for Santo Domingo." 63 At this 
point loud calls for the previous question forced Gregoire to 
discontinue his "indiscreet" remarks. "Article IV satisfies 
everybody," said Charles Lameth, who possessed vast landed 
estates in Santo Domingo, 64 "and as a longer discussion of such 
an obvious matter may breed doubt and error, I demand that 
the discussion be confined to the Instruction considered as a 
whole." 65 The National Assembly so ordered; and, though 
several colonists continued to protest, the Instruction was 
adopted with but slight verbal changes which did not affect 
the franchise clause. 66 

These two decrees, that of March 8 and the Instruction of 
March 28, the one the corollary of the other, embody the 
colonial policy of the National Assembly. If the planters had 
been long accustomed to self-government, they might have been 
able eventually to execute the decrees in accordance even with 
their own interpretation of the franchise clause. Such, indeed, 
seemed to be the intention of the committee on colonies. There 
would doubtless have been indignation among the mulattoes, 
especially among those in France; but it was highly improbable 
that the rank and file of mulattoes in the colonies would rise 
in violent protest against disfranchisement, if the planters, 

63 Moniteur (30 mars 1790), 365. 

64 Moniteur (23 septernbre 1790,) 1108. 

65 Point du lour, no. 257, p. 224. Patriote frangais, no. 233, pp. 2-3, 

66 Proces-verbal, no. 243, pp. 7-8. 



ADOPTION OF A COLONIAL POLICY 57 

with tact and dignity, had advised them to remain quiet; for 
submission and tranquillity are the salient characteristics of 
the negro race. But the planters were thoroughly incapable of 
self-government, lacked dignity and self-possession, and the 
times were revolutionary. Under the circumstances, no form 
of popular government, be its parts never so well co-ordin- 
ated, could have been successful in restoring peace to the dis- 
tracted isles. It is not at all surprising that the troubles 
continued. 



CHAPTER III. 

Dissolution of the Assembly of Saint Marc 

In the preceding chapter we had occasion to notice that 
the plan for a general colonial assembly, sent to Santo Domingo 
by the Minister of Marine, was indignantly rejected by the 
provincial assembly at Cap Francais; 1 and this behavior was 
imitated by the other two provincial a c sembhes. Nevertheless, 
all three provincial assemblies deemed the convocation of a 
general assembly advisable and, adopting a plan proposed by 
the provincial assembly at Port-au-Prince, they issued a call 
for the election of a general assembly to meet at Saint-Marc, 
away from the influence of the Government. 2 To meet at 
Leogane, the place indicated in the ministerial plan, was to 
meet, says a letter, "in a city where the pestilential miasmas of 
a dastardly, perverse, malicious Administration, the enemy of 
our repose, our fortunes and our lives, would soon make our 
deputies so many victims of its resentment and tyranny." 3 

This plan of convocation provided that the deputies should 
be elected directly by primary assemblies in the parishes and 
that all tax-payers domiciled in a parish for one year should 
have the right to vote. 4 But the elections were not undisturbed. 
Candidates for each parish were nominated by the provincial 

1 See ante, p. 39. 

2 Adresse prononcee a I'Assemblee nationale, * * * par les Deputes 
des Paroisses du Port-au-Prince et de la Croix-des-Bouquets (Paris, 
1790), 4. Garran, op. cit., I. 94-95. 

3 Lettre de I'Assemblee provinciale de la Partie du Nord de St.-Do- 
mingue, a Messieurs des Cotnites de I'Ouest et du Sud,*** (s. k, 1790), 
32. 

4 Garran, op. cit., I. 94-95. 



DISSOLUTION OF THE ASSEMBLY OF SAINT MARC 59 

assemblies, and if any opposition appeared it was suppressed 
by force. 5 When the elections were over, the provincial as- 
sembly at Port-au-Prince and that at Les Cayes dissolved for 
the simple reason that nearly all the men who sat in these as- 
semblies were elected to the general assembly at Saint Marc. 
The other provincial assembly did not dissolve, but its char- 
acter completely changed : nearly all the planter deputies se- 
cured their election to the general assembly, while the merchant 
deputies and the lawyer deputies continued to sit at Cap Francais 
as the assembly of the Northern Province. 6 Consequently there 
were now in Santo Domingo two popular assemblies, the one 
at Saint J \£arc_and the other at Cap Franca is. The former was 
dominated by planters who sought to escape their financial 
obligations to the French merchants by declaring the colony 
independent of all outside authority save that of the powerless 
King; 7 the latter was dominated by merchants and lawyers who 
conceived an ardent admiration for ''the sublime decrees of 
the National Assembly" and deprecated any tendency toward 
secession from France. And, of course, between two assemblies 
so composed, peace and amity could not long prevail. 

6 Gatereau, op. cit., 41-42. 

6 Discours prononce a I'Assemblee nationale, le 2 Octodre 1790, au 
Nom de I'Assemblee generate de la Partie frangaise de Saint-Domingue 
(Paris, s.d.), 10-12. Relation authentique de tout ce qui s'est passe a 
Saint-Domingue * * * (s.l.n.d.), 4. 

7 II ete fait un resume tres-exact des sommes dues au commerce de 
France, par des membres qui composent l'assemblee de Saint Marc: il 
s'eleve a 68 millions. (44 millions environ, argent de France). La 
plupart de ces debiteurs voudraient se soustraire a leurs creanciers ; ils 
ne le peuvent qu'en rendant la colonie independante. — News item in the 
Moniteur (12 septembre 1790), 1053 Cf. Bore, op. cit., 5. Raimond, 
Lettre d'un Citoyen, * * * au Citoyen C. B* *, 5. Statement of 
Gregoire to the National Assembly, lournal des Etats-gcneraux, XXV. 
385-386. 



60 THE FRENCH COLONIAL QUESTION 

The assembly of Saint Marc opened its first session on April 
14, 1790, with great pomp and ceremony. It adopted officially 
the title, Assemblee Generate de la Partie frangaise de Saint- 
Domingue, and placed on a curtain in the hall the motto, Saint- 
Domingue, la Loi et le Roi; notre Union fait notre Force. 8 Ar- 
rogating to itself the supreme powers of a constituent assembly, 
it declared its members inviolable, summoned to the bar recal- 
citrant military officers, appointed a committee for the inves- 
tigation of treason and crime, intercepted letters sent by the 
Minister of Marine to colonial officials, assumed charge of the 
public moneys, invited the Governor to appear at the bar and 
explain his views, and ordered him to send back to France 
a body of recruits recently arrived and to admit no more 
recruits unless so advised by the general assembly. 9 Upon this 
usurpation of sovereign authority the provincial assembly appears 
to have looked with increasing envy, anger and alarm. When 
the decree of March 8 reached Cap Frangais, the provincial 
assembly sent it in all haste to Saint Marc, where it arrived on 
April 26. But the general assembly scarcely faltered in its 
independent course. On May 14, it adopted decrees for the 
formation of municipalities and the reorganization of the courts 
of justice, and sent the decrees, before they had been sanctioned 
by the Governor, to the appropriate officials for execution. 1 " 
The provincial assembly forbade officials in the Northern Prov- 
ince to execute the decrees, and sent a formal protest to the 
general assembly, on May 17, that it was violating constitu- 

8 Note the omission of coloniale from the title and nation from the 
motto. 

9 Adresse prononcee * * * par les Deputes des Paroisses, 4-7. 
Barnave, Rapport sur les Affaires de Saint-Domingue, * * * les 11 & 12 
Octobre, 1790 (Paris, 1790), 6. 

10 Barnave, Rapport (October, 1790), 6-7. 



DISSOLUTION OF THE ASSEMBLY OF SAINT MARC 61 

tional law. 11 In reply, the general assembly issued its famous 
"Constitutional Bases" of May 28, wherein it defined what it 
understood to be the bounds of its authority in the colony and 
what it understood to be the relations between the colony and 
France. The "Bases" declared that all the laws of the in- 
terior regime shall be made in the colony and that only the 
sanction of the King shall be necessary to make them entirely 
valid; that pending the royal sanction all such laws shall be 
only notified to the Governor and by him provisionally executed ; 
that the laws of the exterior regime "shall not be enforced in the 
colony until the colonial legislature shall have given its con- 
sent thereto;" that in cases of urgent necessity, of which the 
colonial legislature shall be the judge, the introduction of food- 
stuff from foreign markets shall not be a breach of the navi- 
gation laws ; and that the "Constitutional Bases" shall be imme- 
diately transmitted to France for the acceptation 12 of the 
King and the National Assembly. 13 

Three days after the adoption of the "Bases", the general 
assembly received officially the decree of March 8 and the 
Instruction. On June 1, it discussed the two decrees and re- 
solved to obey them in so far as they did not violate the rights 
of Santo Domingo, as those rights had been defined in the 
"Bases". That it should, in accordance with the provisions of 
the Instruction, submit its confirmation to a vote of the parishes, 
it complained, was an unnecessary hardship — a step which the 
National Assembly had refused to take in France; yet, in 
order to show that its cause was righteous, it resolved to call 

11 Adresse de VAssemblee provinciate de la Partie du Nord de Saint- 
Domingue, a VAssemblee nationale (Paris, 1790), 1-5. 

12 Acceptation, as used in decrees at that time, precluded the possi- 
bility of a refusal. 

13 Barnave, Rapport (October, 1790), 18-22. Document quoted in 
extenso. 



62 THE FRENCH COLONIAL QUESTION 

together the citizens of the different parishes and ask them to 
vote for its confirmation or dissolution. But it showed its in- 
dependence by ordering that the elections be conducted in 
accordance with the regulations by which the general assembly 
had been first elected and not in accordance with the regulations 
prescribed by the Instruction. 14 

An exciting campaign followed. The general assembly sent 
out orators to advocate its cause in the parishes ; 15 it distributed 
three thousand copies of a pamphlet which explained that the 
"Constitutional Bases" did not contravene the decree of March 
8 ; and it published a letter from Gouy d'Arsy, which said : "We 
suspect the Minister of Marine, our common enemy, of guilty 
maneuvers in this regard * * * I think that when this 
Instruction reaches you the colonial assembly will have ac- 
quired a force, a superiority, an influence which will enable 
you, in accordance with the spirit of the decree of March 8, 
to accept in this Instruction of March 28 only those articles 
which can be, without danger, adapted to the local conditions 
in the colony." 16 On the other hand, the provincial assembly, 
when advised of the course of events, ordered the emissaries of 
the general assembly to leave the Northern Province within 
forty-eight hours, and issued a call for a counter election in 
strict accordance with the regulations prescribed by the In- 
struction. 17 It also sent out orators, letters and pamphlets to 
explain the irregular conduct of the general assembly. 18 In 

u Ibid., 28. 

15 Adresse de I'Assemblee provinciate, 6-7. Adresse * * * par les 
Deputes des Paroisses, 12-13,. 

15 Ex trait a'une Lettre privee, ecrite le 30 Mars 1790, p. 3. Moniteur 
(12 aout 1790), 923. Barnave, Rapport (October, 1790), 26-27. 

"Adresse de I'Assemblee provinciate, 6-9. Adresse * * * par les 
Deputes des Paroisses, 12-13. 

18 Relation authentique, 5. 



DISSOLUTION OF THE ASSEMBLY OF SAINT MARC 63 

some places there were riots and bloodshed. 19 On the one 
hand, the petits-blancs whom the Instruction disfranchised sup- 
ported the cause of the general assembly with guns, swords and 
clubs. 20 On the other, the opponents of the general assembly 
organized at Port-au-Prince, where the contest was hottest, a 
band of armed volunteers who took an oath to defend the decrees 
of the National Assembly against all transgressors. 21 

In the midst of this confusion the voting took place. When 
the polls were closed, the general assembly claimed a great 
victory. It ordered that a Te Deum be chanted in all the cities 
and villages, and ordained that an annual fete be observed on 
July 14 in commemoration of "the triumph of the friends of 
the public weal over the enemies of Santo Domingo." 22 And, 
on July 13, the weak and vacillating Governor, to the great 
annoyance of the defeated faction, announced officially that 
the general assembly had indeed been confirmed. 23 Then the 
defeated faction cried fraud and refused to abide by the decision. 

Thus confirmed the general assembly became more arrogant 
than ever before. Without the Governor's approval, it threw 
open the ports to foreign trade under the supervision of its 
own creatures, the municipalities; it ordered the colonial depu- 
ties at Paris to suspend their functions until the question of 
a colonial representation in the National Assembly had been 
determined; by its orders the powder magazine at Leogane was 
seized and appropriated to the "patriotic" cause; and, on July 
27, it issued a decree that all the regular troops in the colony 

19 Adresse de I'Assemblee provinciate, 7-8. 

20 Disc ours prononce * * * par les Deputes de I'Assemblee pro- 
vinciate * * * le 25 Novembre 1790 (Paris, 1790), 7-8. 

21 Adresse * * * par les Deputes des Paroisses, 14-15. 
^Barnave, Rapport (October, 1790), 30. 

23 Ibid., 29, 38-39. Adresse * * * par les Deputes des Paroisses, 16. 



64 THE FRENCH COLONIAL QUESTION 

must disband, and then it issued a call straightway for volun- 
teers to enlist in the "patriotic army", promising high pay and 
land allotments at the end of a short term of service. 24 The 
last measure was clearly an attempt to create defection among 
the regular troops, and the supine Governor was at length 
aroused to action. On July 29, he declared by proclamation 
that the general assembly and its adherents were traitors to the 
nation and the King, and that he would in consequence hurl 
against them all the military forces at his command to the end 
that the general assembly be dissolved and utterly dispersed. 25 
And suiting the action to the word, he sent troops toward 
Saint Marc from the south and east ; and at the same time the 
Lieutenant General of the Northern Province, at the bidding 
of the provincial assembly, co-operated with an army from 
the north. Seeing the chain of bayonets rapidly closing around 
them, a majority of the general assembly slipped away before 
the blockade was complete; 26 but the minority stood their ground 
and issued a call to their adherents for armed support. "Union, 
celerite et courage," ran the appeal; "the rallying points are 
Saint Marc, Cul-de-Sac and Leogane." But no blood was shed. 
The battleship Leopard, the crew of which had mutinied and 
driven the commander ashore at Port-au-Prince, touched at 
Saint Marc and, on August 8, sailed away with eighty-five — 
all that remained of the general assembly — on board. 27 Then 
a momentary calm succeeded: each faction was awaiting the 
judgment of the National Assembly. 

^Barnave, Rapport (October, 1790), 40-45. Adresse de V Assembler 
provinciate, 10. Patriot e frangais, no. 372, p. 4. 

25 Barnave, Rapport (October, 1790), 57-58. 

28 Moniteur (5 novembre 1790), 1277. 

27 Barnave, Rapport (October, 1790), 61-81. Documents quoted in 
extenso. Moniteur (23 septembre 1790), 1099. 



DISSOLUTION OF THE, ASSEMBLY OF SAINT MARC 65 

At Paris the National Assembly had intimations from time 
to time that factional strife was raging in Santo Domingo, but 
for several weeks no report was made on the affair. The 
"Constitutional Bases" arrived in July and with the docu- 
ment was a letter from the general assembly, demanding that 
the "Bases" be ratified by the National Assembly and accepted 
by the King; but without being publicly read these documents 
were referred to the committee on colonies. 28 Other documents 
bearing on the disturbances — sometimes twenty-five in one 
packet 29 — kept coming in, and were disposed of in the same way. 
At length, on September 4, Gouy d'Arsy read a long address 
froni the provincial assembly at Cap Francais, which gave for 
the first time a consecutive account of the disturbances down 
to the confirmation of the general assembly. Though decidedly 
partisan, this address throws a flood of light upon the sources 
of discontent in the colony, and for that reason long extracts 
from it deserve to be quoted: 

"What then determined the general assembly to adopt 
measures which we deem unconstitutional and impracticable? 
The general assembly has hesitated to tell you. Then it is 
our duty to tell you frankly, however painful the truth may be. 
It is a lack of confidence in the National Assembly itself. 
You see proof of this in the "Constitutional Bases" of May 
28 and in the resolutions taken on June 1 * * * This lack 
of confidence is due, in the first place, to the Amis des Noirs — 
to the certain knowledge that Amis des Noirs are members of 
the National Assembly and form there a strong party. They 
and the frightful antagonist of the slave trade 30 do not consider 

28 Moniteur (1 aout 1790), 877. Proccs-verbal, no. 364, p. 8. Gazette 
de Paris, 2 aout 1790. 

29 Proccs-verbal, no 388, p. 1. 
S0 Brissot de Warville? 



66 THE FRENCH COLONIAL QUESTION 

themselves beaten and persecute us continually. In the second 
place, this lack of confidence is due to the welcome which the 
mulattoes received from the National Assembly, 31 to the in- 
famous pamphlet of the Abbe Gregoire, 32 to his motion in 
their favor on March 28, and to indiscreet newspapers which 
declare that this motion was rejected only because the Abbe 
was assured that article IV of the Instruction did confer the 
rights of active citizenship on the mulattoes. Finally, this 
lack of confidence is due to the belief that the French mer- 
chants exert an excessive influence over the National Assembly 
to uphold the navigation laws. 

"Those who have fomented this distrust have cited as evi- 
dence the long neglect of the National Assembly to notice the 
colonies, the indifference of the National Assembly when it 
was informed of slave insurrections in Martinique and Santo 
Domingo, 33 the loud disapproval shouted by the members of 
the National Assembly when the secession of Santo Domingo 
in favor of some rival power was hinted at, 34 and the readi- 
ness with which the National Assembly attended to the terrors 
and representations of the maritime and manufacturing cities 
and to the murmurs of the people of Paris against a slave- 
holding aristocracy. These maligners have even misinterpreted 
your motive in granting the decree of March 8 and in re- 
fusing to allow it to be discussed. They call it a decree begotten 
of fear and deceitful cunning. They have called attention 
to the reticence of the decree and the Instruction in regard to 
our movable property [slaves] — a reticence maintained despite 

31 On October 22, 1789. 

32 Memoir e en Faveur des Gens de Couleur ou Sang-Meles de Saint- 
Domingue (Paris, 1789). 

. 3S On December 1 and 3, 1789, the National Assembly was informed 
of these insurrections. 

34 By the Comte de Reynaud in the session of March 23, 1790. 



DISSOLUTION OP THE ASSEMBLY OF SAINT MARC 67 

the insistent demands of the colonial deputies. They have 
called attention to that generic term citizens in article XI of 
the decree and to the expression all persons in article IV of 
the Instruction, of which the mulattoes may take advantage 
* * * The fault of the general assembly is that it could 
not banish, in regard to these things, the apprehensions common 
to the colony. Our only merit is that we believed all the time 
that your decrees furnish sufficient guarantees in this regard, 
that the august representatives of the most loyal nation on 
earth could not possibly set a snare for their brothers. If 
we had not believed these things, we should certainly have pro- 
posed, as the general assembly has done, constitutional measures 
inadmissible by you. But before we propose a constitution to 
you, we are going to ask you for a guarantee more formal 
and more explicit * * *. But above all things, will the 
colony never sacrifice an indispensable prejudice in regard to 
the mulattoes. It will protect them, it will ameliorate their 
lot; it gives them proof of this intention every day, and time 
will doubtless afford more extensive opportunities. But the 
colony ought to be, the colony shall be the sole judge, the 
absolute master of the time and the means. What has passed 
in Santo Domingo recently, what is now passing in Martinique, 
proves more conclusively than ever before the absolute neces- 
sity of this. It is perhaps only too true that the liberal inter- 
pretation given to article IV of your Instruction and the wel- 
come accorded the mulattoes by the National Assembly have 
inflated the pride of the mulattoes and put the colonies in 
peril. It is necessary that the mulattoes know that it is only 
from us that they can expect benefits, and that they are to 
obtain these benefits only by wise behavior and respectful 
bearing. 



68 THE FRENCH COLONIAL QUESTION 

"As to the slaves, our self-interest is allied to their well- 
being; but the colony will not suffer that this sort of property 
which it holds legally and upon which all other property is 
dependent, be put in jeopardy either now or in the future. 

"The colony can easily reach an agreement with the French 
commercial interests. The merchants ought to feel that it is 
to their interest to encourage our agriculture and to increase 
the amount of our marketable products; and we, on our side, 
feel that we ought to contribute to the prosperity of the state 
by giving the greatest scope possible to national commerce. 

'"But so long as the colony entertains apprehensions in 
regard to slavery and the enfranchisement of the mulattoes — 
questions which are purely domestic and do not in any way 
injure France — it will never enjoy that tranquillity so 
necessary to the prosperity of the kingdom and the reciprocal 
bonds of union * * *. We have all confidence in you; but 
who will answer for future legislation? Render succeeding 
legislatures incapable of listening to the enemies of our repose. 
Grant in advance to the colony, as an inalterable article of 
the French constitution, that no laws concerning the interior 
regime, and notably concerning the status of the different classes 
of inhabitants which compose the colony, shall ever be made 
except upon the precise and formal demand of the colony 
itself ; that no> laws concerning the exterior regime shall ever 
be made without having been discussed by the colony if they 
be proposed by the French merchants, and none made without 
having been discussed by the French merchants if they be 
proposed by the colony. In regard to the introduction of food- 
stuff in cases of urgent necessity, protect us from the caprice 
and seduction of the Governor. 

"Then the colony will be tranquil forever. Then those 
who distrust the National Assembly will no longer have a 



DISSOLUTION OF THE ASSEMBLY OF SAINT MARC 69 

pretext for distrust. Then, but not till then, will our bonds 
of friendship be unbreakable." 35 

This was indeed a stinging, though veiled, criticism of the 
National Assembly and, when Gouy d'Arsy had left off read- 
ing, loud murmurs of disapproval were heard in the hall; but 
Barnave stoutly defended the provincial assembly, saying that 
it deserved praise and not blame for its frank and exemplary 
conduct, that it had shown all along a constant attachment 
tolhe mother country and the greatest devotion to the con- 
stitution, and that the majority of its demands might with 
propriety be granted. 36 Thus this colonial faction, which in 
spirit was not one whit less rebellious than the other, found 
favor in the sight of the committee on colonies simply because 
it had, with its lips at least, acknowledged the paramount 
authority of the National Assembly. The other faction, for 
f ailing to do just this, was to be dealt with quite differently. 

On September 14, the Eighty-five on board the Leopard 
arrived at Brest and, posing as fugitives from ministerial 
despotism, they received a warm welcome from the munici- 
pality and the local national guard. They held a public meeting 
on shore and agreed to meet again at Paris on October 5. Then 
they dispersed to Nantes and other commercial centers to 
solicit loans from their merchant friends. 37 But, unfortunately 
for themselves, their arrival at Brest was the occasion of 
a mutiny on board the battleship La Ferme stationed in the 
harbor. As soon as the National Assembly was apprised of 
the disturbance, it issued orders for the suppression of the 
mutiny and for the discharge of the Leopard's crew, and sum- 
moned the Eighty-five, suspected of being the instigators of 
the mischief, to the bar to answer for their conduct. 38 So the 
85 Adresse dc I'Assemblce provinciale, 11-18. 



7 o THE FRENCH COLONIAL QUESTION 

fugitives from ministerial oppression, who had crossed the seas 
as accusers, now found themselves accused. 

While these orders of the National Assembly were being 
put into execution, five delegates from the parishes of Port- 
au-Prince and Croix-des-Bouquets appeared at Paris and enter- 
tained the National Assembly with the second account of the 
irregular conduct of the general assembly. 39 At the close 
of their address, the President responded that the National 
Assembly appreciated the presence of good patriots and in- 
vited them to remain in the hall as honored guests. Then 
Barnave said: "You have just heard the story of the disturb- 
ance in Santo Domingo. It is high time to restore order in 
that colony. Yet as the majority of the members of the 
general assembly are now in Paris, I think it but just that 
the National Assembly hear what they have to say for them- 
selves before it takes action. Already they have written to 
the President requesting that they be heard at the bar. It is 
quite important to hear them without delay, because there are 
no intrigues and maneuvers which they do not employ to lead 
public opinion astray. While I am now speaking, writings are 
being circulated with this intent. Let them come forward and 
exonerate themselves. Let them not thus follow obscure and 
devious ways. Let them defend themselves in the presence of 
the nation: it is ready to hear them. I make the motion that 
they be heard on Saturday evening (October 2) and that the 
report of the committee on colonies be made on the following 
Monday morning." 40 

36 Journal des Etats-generaux, XV. 227. Moniteur (5 septembre 1790), 
1025. 

37 Moniteur (29 septembre 1790), 1127. 

38 Ibid. (22 septembre 1790), 1097. Proccs-verbal, no. 417, pp. 23-26. 

39 Adresse * * * par les Deputes des Paroisses, etc. 

40 Journal des Etats-generaux, XVI. 160. 



DISSOLUTION OF THE ASSEMBLY OF SAINT MARC yi 

This motion was adopted, and at the appointed time repre- 
sentatives of the Eighty-five appeared at the bar. In their 
address, they explained that the faction hostile to them was 
composed only of agents of the executive power who "trembled 
to see the dawn of liberty," of a few persons attached to the 
law courts who saw their means of livelihood destroyed by the 
reorganization of the judiciary system, and of merchants who 
had little interest in the agricultural development of the colony. 
They did not deny the specific charges brought against them by 
their opponents. They admitted that the general assembly 
had reformed the law courts, organized municipalities, sum- 
moned officials to the bar, opened letters addressed to the 
Governor, and thrown open the ports to foreign trade; but 
they claimed that such conduct was demanded by the exigencies 
of the time and moreover permitted by the decree of March 8. 
They entertained no thought, they said, of secession from 
France : their only purpose was to shake off the tyranny of 
the Governor. Having failed in the effort, they had fled for 
refuge to France. Then they rested their case on three con- 
tentions : that they had been freely and regularly elected by 
their fellow citizens, that their conduct by a second test had 
been approved by their fellow citizens, and that they had con- 
formed to the spirit of the decree of March 8 and the Instruction. 
In conclusion, they demanded a special committee to investi- 
gate their conduct, and asked that they themselves might have 
representatives on this committee. 41 

On the whole, this address was more humble in tone than 
that of the provincial assembly read by Gouy d'Arsy. Even 
the last demand of the Eighty-five was not at all preposterous 

41 Disc ours prononce a I'Assemblee nationale, le 2 Octobre 1790, aic 
Nom de I'Assemblee generate de la Partie frangaise de Saint-Domiiigue 
(Paris, 1790). 



72 THE FRENCH COLONIAL QUESTION 

in view of the fact that Barnave, as representing the committee 
on colonies, seemed prejudiced against them. But this demand 
was completely ignored. Barnave simply directed that their 
address and whatever other documents they wished to submit 
as evidence in their case be left at the Secretary's desk: cul- 
prits were not to dictate to the National Assembly the manner 
of their trial. To this offensive treatment the Eighty-five de- 
murred for a time, but eventually, in an ugly mood, agreed to 
submit their archives to the committee on colonies as soon as 
the documents could be systematized. 42 

And yet they made no haste to submit their documents. In 
order to give them ample time, the report of the committee 
was postponed for another week. But for this act of grace 
they showed no disposition to be grateful. "It is important 
for France and for us, too," they wrote to the National 
Assembly on October 4, when they ascertained that no report 
of the committee was forthcoming, "that you examine our 
credentials at once. We assure you that we are indeed the 
general assembly of Santo Domingo and being so we have a 
right to complain of the decree which offended our dignity 
by summoning us to the bar. We keep silent about the re- 
ception which you gave us. We feel all the elevation of our 
character. We will prove to you that our decrees are con- 
stitutional, that they are in accord with your Instruction." 43 
Murmurs of disapproval greeted the reading of this letter, 
and Barnave said indignantly: "They say that they have official 
records, but not a record has been submitted to us. They 
agreed to leave at the Secretary's desk a copy of their 

42 Journal des Etats-generaux, XVI. 211-212. Proces-verbal, no. 429, 
pp. 19-20. 

43 Moniteur (5 octobre 1790), 1155. Journal des Etats-generaux, XVI. 
223. 



DISSOLUTION OP THE ASSEMBLY OP SAINT MARC 73 

address delivered at the bar, but we have received no copy. 
We can not afford to dally too long with men who are sus- 
pected, with too much reason, of creating disturbances in Santo 
Domingo and at Brest. I move that, if the documents which 
they promised are not submitted within forty-eight hours, the 
report on the affair be made without further delay." 44 And 
the motion was adopted. 

Accordingly, on October 11, without waiting longer for the 
promised documents, Barnave began the report on the affair 
of Santo Domingo. He gave an account of all the troubles in 
the colony from the beginning of the Revolution down to the 
flight of the Eighty-five on August 8. He quoted in extenso 
a number of authenticated documents in support of a list of 
serious charges against the general assembly. Only a sover- 
eign body, he said, could give orders, as the general assembly 
did, to the administrator of the colonial finances or summon 
to the bar civil and military officials; only a sovereign body 
could intercept official correspondence or interfere with the 
enforcement of the navigation laws; only a sovereign body 
could execute decrees without the sanction of the Governor 
or adopt an instrument like the "Constitutional Bases" which 
reduced the relations between the colony and France to the 
simple terms of a commercial treaty. Therefore, by its arro- 
gance and presumption, he said, the general assembly has 
compassed its own destruction. 

Turning then to the demands made by the provincial 
assembly of Cap Francais in its address of September 4, he 
explained that the time had not come to deal with the question 
of the navigation laws or the introduction of food-stuff with- 
out the approval of the Governor; but, said he, the provincial 
assembly "has asked for an inalterable constitutional article 

"Moniteur (5 octobre 1790), 11 58. 



74 THE FRENCH COLONIAL QUESTION 

which shall provide that no law concerning the interior regime, 
and notably concerning the status of persons, be made for the 
colony except upon the precise and formal demand of the 
colonial assemblies * * * We think that you should not 
refuse to re-state and explain, in the clearest and most formal 
manner possible, the intentions which you have already ex- 
pressed in this regard. We have therefore inserted in the 
preamble of the draft decree which we are going to present 
to you a phrase wherein the demand of the provincial assem- 
bly relative to the laws upon the status of persons is graciously 
complied with." 45 This method of procedure is more seemly, 
he continued, than to recommend an isolated decree upon the 
status of persons. 

At length, after six hours of reading and explaining, 
Barnave presented the draft decree. The main features of 
it are as follows : The National Assembly, "considering that 
constitutional law has been violated and public tranquillity dis- 
turbed by the general assembly sitting at Saint Marc; that 
this assembly has provoked and justly incurred its own dis- 
solution: considering that the National Assembly has promised 
to the colonies the establishment of laws best fitted to insure 
their happiness and prosperity; that it has, in order to allay 
colonial apprehensions, promised in advance to listen to the 
recommendations of the colonies concerning all modifications 
which may be made in the navigation laws and promised in 
advance to decree, as a constitutional article in their organiza- 
tion, that no law upon the status of persons shall ever be 
made for the colonies except upon the precise and formal 
demand of the colonial assemblies * * * * declares that 
the pretended decrees and other acts of the assembly con- 
stituted at Saint Marc under the title of Assemblee Generale 

45 Barnave, Rapport (October, 1790), 96-97. 



DISSOLUTION OF TUB ASSEMBLY OF SAINT MARC 75 

de la Partie franqaise de Saint-Domingue infringe the national 
sovereignty and are therefore nul and their execution pro- 
hibited; declares the said assembly deprived of its powers and 
its members divested of the character of deputies to the 
colonial assembly of Santo Domingo; declares that the as- 
sembly of the Northern Province, the citizens of Cap Frangais, 
the citizens of Port-au-Prince, Croix-des-Bouquets and all the 
other parishes, who remained steadfastly attached to the 
National Assembly * * * have generously fulfilled all the 
duties incumbent upon French citizens and are hereby thanked 
by the National Assembly in the name of the nation;" and the 
National Assembly decrees that a new colonial assembly shall 
be elected in accordance with the regulations prescribed by 
the Instruction, that the old laws shall be enforced in the colony 
until the new regime is established, that two battleships be sent 
to the West Indies to preserve order, and that the Eighty-five 
be placed under arrest to await the further pleasure of the 
National Assembly. 46 

As may be seen, this decree restored the status quo ante 
in Santo Domingo and made provisions for the restoration of 
order. To these features of the decree, none, save partisans of 
the general assembly, 47 could have been opposed; but to the 

46 Ibid., 100-103. The Eighty-five were not placed in close confine- 
ment, but were not allowed to leave France without permission. 

47 Cocherel was so annoyed at the treatment of the Eighty-five that 
he offered to resign his seat, but the National Assembly refused to con- 
sider his resignation on the condition which he named (Gazette de Paris, 
16 octobre 1790. Proces-verbal, no. 489, p. 1.). His name disappears 
from the records of the debates after October 12, 1790. Gerard, member 
of the committee on colonies, expressed his disapproval of the recogni- 
tion given by the National Assembly to the provincial assembly of Cap 
Frangais (Moniteur, 27 novembre 1790, pp. 1366-1367), but he did not 
resign his seat. This behavior of the two colonial deputies may be ex- 
plained by the fact that they had been appointed by the general assembly 
as its special agents to see to it that the "Constitutional Bases" should 



76 THE FRENCH COLONIAL QUESTION 

phrase in the preamble relative to the "status of persons", which 
pretended that a debatable question had already been decided, 
there was strong opposition. No sooner had Barnave finished 
the report than Petion, Gregoire and Mirabeau rushed to the 
tribune; but they were not allowed to speak. A motion to 
postpone the discussion was rejected. There was a loud call 
for the question, and this decree of October 12, like that of 
March 8, was adopted by acclamation without discussion. 48 
"The National Assembly did not wish to hear anyone," writes 
a discreet journalist, "because those who demanded the floor 
had already expressed themselves as favorable to the negroes." 49. 
Thus had the first attempt at popular government in Santo 
Domingo proved a fiasco. The general assembly indeed stood 
on historical ground when it refused to recognize any other 
sovereign authority than that of the King, but it lost all claim 
to consistency when it undertook to make servants of the 
King's offiicials. The National Assembly dissolved the general 
assembly because the latter refused to recognize the paramount 
authority of the former; but the Abbe Gregoire spoke at least 
a partial truth when he said : "If you will follow the dispo- 
sitions of the decree of October 12, you will see that the 
colonial assembly of Santo Domingo was sacrificed to the 
terrors of French commerce." 50 

be accepted by the National Assembly and the King. Letter of the 
Massiac Club to the provincial assembly, dated June 16, 1791. Arch. Nat. 
Dxxv. 87. See also Papers of the Massiac Club for July 25-31, 1790. 
Arch. Nat., Dxxv. 86. 

48 Moniteur (13 octobre 1790), 1188. Proces-verbal, no. 439, pp. 9-10. 
48 Journal des Etats-generaux, XVI. 359. 
'"Ibid., XXV 386. 



CHAPTER IV. 

The New Instruction 

In a previous chapter we left two hostile factions facing" 
each other in Martinique, at the end of the year 1789, and 
threatening to engage in armed, conflict. 1 The colonial assem- 
bly, which was dominated by planters, had arranged for the 
election of a new colonial assembly to meet at Fort Royal on 
February 25, 1790; and when the elections took place the 
relations between the factions were strained to the breaking 
point. The city of Saint Pierre and the two adjacent 
parishes not only refused to send deputies to the new as- 
sembly but almost precipitated war by calling in armed re-en- 
forcements from the neighboring islands. Viomenil, on the 
other hand, at the head of the planter faction, began to muster 
what troops he could, both white and colored, and was threat- 
ening to lay siege to Saint Pierre when, on March 26, he was 
relieved of his command by Damas, the regular Governor of 
the colony. Saint Pierre hastened then to send a deputation 
to Governor Damas, and some sort of a truce seems to have 
been arranged. 2 

In the meanwhile the colonial assembly had been endeavor- 
ing to hold its sessions at Fort Royal; but the arrival of the 
deputies was slow. Out of a possible eighty-one, only twenty- 
five were present at the opening session on February 25, and 
on March 18 only thirty could be counted. Of the twenty-seven 

1 See ante, p. 42. 

2 Moniteur (17 juin 1790), 685. Journal des Btats-gcncraux, X. 465. 
Proces-verbal, no. 269, pp. 27-28. Gonyn, Rapport, 25-26. Rapport fait 
* * * le 10 Novembre, 11-12. 



78 THE FRBNCH COLONIAL QUESTION 

parishes into which the colony was divided, only fifteen or 
sixteen had any deputies at all. 3 Nevertheless the assembly 
proceeded to business and sent to Arthur Dillon and Moreau 
de Saint-Mery the following instructions: "The deputies for 
Martinique in the National Assembly shall demand that the 
colony enjoy, under the direct sanction of the King, the absolute 
right to make all laws of the interior regime, notably those rela- 
tive to slaves and mulattoes * * * In France there are only 
citizens; in the colonies there are masters, freedmen and slaves. 
Conditions being different, the colonies should then have special 
laws. Laws are of three kinds : general laws relative to military 
defense, which the colony should receive from the mother coun- 
try ; special laws which the colony should make for itself ; and 
the navigation laws, which should be agreed to by both the 
colony and the mother country * * * The landed proprietor 
is the only true citizen, the only one who should have the right 
to take part in public affairs." 4 

On April 17, the decree of March 8 arrived unofficially in 
the colony 5 and shortly afterwards the assembly, taking ad- 
vantage of the lull occasioned by the return of Governor Damas 
to office, proposed that Saint Pierre send its quota of nineteen 
deputies to Fort Royal and assist in the execution of the decree; 
but Saint Pierre refused to send deputies on the ground that the 
assembly was irregular, unconstitutional and disavowed by the 
majority of the colonists, and that it had been guilty under 
Viomenil of arming mulattoes against the whites. 6 

On May 28, the assembly discussed the decree of March 
8 and the Instruction, which had just arrived officially, and on 

3 Gonyn, Rapport, 28. Rapport fait * * * le 10 Novembre, II. 

4 Gonyn, Rapport, 29-30. 

5 Moniteur, (17 juin 1790), 685. 

6 Rapport fait * * * le 10 Novembre, 13. 



THE NEW INSTRUCTION 79 

June 1, it was decided to submit the question of the confirma- 
tion or dissolution of the assembly to a vote of the parishes. A 
call was, in consequence, issued at once for an election, and 
Saint Pierre took occasion to answer with a hostile demonstration. 
On June 3, Corpus Christi Day, several regiments of mulattoes 
undertook to march, as the white troops were doing, in a pro- 
cession through the streets of the city; but suddenly the tocsin 
rang out, there was a cry "To arms", and a race riot ensued 
between the petits-blancs and the mulattoes. Two or three 
whites were killed, and fourteen mulattoes shot, stabbed or 
hanged. One hundred twenty-six mulattoes were thrown into 
prison and a howling mob gathered outside the jail threatening 
to break in and murder them all. Thereupon the municipality 
of Saint Pierre hastened to form a special court called the 
Chambre prevotale to try the prisoners and mete out speedy 
justice. But the assembly very soon heard of the "massacre" 
of the mulattoes and of the impending fate of the prisoners, 
and on June 7 it requested Governor Damas to restore order 
in Saint Pierre and punish the guilty. On June 9, the Governor 
laid siege to the city by land and sea and effected its capture 
without the shedding of blood. Some two hundred persons 
suspected of implication in the "massacre" were sent to Fort 
Royal for trial and scores of others were ordered to proceed 
thither to serve as witnesses in the affair. The national guard 
of the city was disbanded, the municipality was suspended, the 
old city government was restored, and a garrison was left in 
the city to overawe the recalcitrant. 7 Thus at a blow the 
planters had won supremacy over their political rivals. 

''Rapport fait * * * le 10 Novembre, 15-18. Gonyn, Rapport, 41-45. 
Journal des Etats-generaux XIV. 158-159. Proces-verbal, no. 368, p. 13- 
Courier de Provence, XI. 485-496. Moniteur (5 aout 1790), 893; ibid. 
(10 aout 1790), 915; ibid. (16 aout 1790), 941; ibid. (19 octobre 1790), 
1209; ibid. (30 novembre 1790), 1381. 



80 THE FRBNCH COLONIAL QUESTION 

During these days of disturbance, the elections were taking 
place, and when the votes were all counted, about the middle 
of June, Governor Damas announced officially that the assembly 
had been confirmed. 8 Declaring then that it was competent to 
deal with any part of the colonial administration except the 
military defense, the assembly proceeded to the task of drafting 
a colonial constitution. The Intendant, Foulon d'Ecolier, who 
was still lingering around, was ordered to leave the colony 
at once, his office having already been abolished. And on July 
14, the National Assembly was advised by decree that the status 
of slaves and freedmen in Martinique must not be interfered 
with. 9 But the assembly proceeded no further along this path 
which, as we have seen, led the assembly of Saint Marc to 
destruction ; its activity was suddenly interrupted by another 
outbreak of hostilities. 

The troops left in garrison at Saint Pierre had at length been 
persuaded by the inhabitants of the city that it was an act of 
tyranny to hale away to prison the persons suspected of dis- 
orderly conduct on Corpus Christi Day. The troops at Fort 
Royal had been persuaded of the same thing by the prisoners and 
witnesses confined in that city. Accordingly, on September 1, 
nearly all the regular troops in Martinique mutinied and set 
free the prisoners implicated in the affair of the mulattoes. 
Governor Damas and the assembly took refuge at Gros Morne, 
a defensible position in the interior of the island, and collected 
a small army of mulattoes, freed slaves and irregular troops, 
and made sorties in the direction of Saint Pierre. This was the 
situation when Barnave, on November 29, 1790, gave the 
National Assembly a brief account of the troubles. 

8 Proces-verbal, no. 404, p. 21. Rapport fait * * * le 10 Novembre, 
19. Moniteur (9 septembre 1790), 1039. 



THE NEW INSTRUCTION 81 

Though Barnave's report was occasioned by the disturbances 
in Martinique, the recommendations which followed compre- 
hended all the French colonies in the West Indies. Guadeloupe 
was faction-ridden and there were disturbances in Tobago. 10 
Santo Domingo was in a measure peaceful after the departure 
of the Eighty-five, but the Governor needed additional troops 
for the purposes of police. "These things being so," said 
Barnave in the report, "here are the findings of your committee. 
You have requested the colonial assemblies to make proposi- 
tions. In Santo Domingo this work has long been delayed 
by disturbances. The other colonies as yet have done nothing. 
Martinique has drafted propositions; it has even made a 
pretense of following your Instruction; but its assembly has 
adopted decrees which provide that laws concerning mulattoes, 
made in the colony, need only the sanction of the King to make 
them valid ; and its assembly has set itself up as an administra- 
tive body. Now, in authorizing the colonies to make their 
own local laws, you did not intend that their assemblies should 
assume the function of administrative bodies. You did not 
intend that they should interfere with that part of the ad- 
ministration which concerns our relations with the colonies. 
You have always intended that this part of the administration 
should remain in the hands of officials appointed by the nation. 
But the colonial assembly of Martinique, assuming the function 
of an administrative assembly, decided that the office of In- 
tendant was useless; so it dismissed M. Foulon, as well as 
two of his subordinates, and appointed in his place a man 
entirely subservient to the colonial assembly. The organiza- 

9 Rapport fait * * * le 10 Novembre, 20. Moniteur (19 septembre 
1790), 1083. 

10 Moniteur (21 novembre 1790), 1341 ; ibid. (1 juillet 1790), 744- 
Proccs-verbal, no 334, p. 13. 



82 THE FRENCH COLONIAL QUESTION 

tion of the colonies is going to pieces. The old laws are with- 
out force, and the new are infinitely slow in being established. 
Everything indicates that the colonies do not have enough 
light. * * * We think that they would find a new In- 
struction, containing a veritable organization, very advantage- 
ous." 11 

This was a confession that the means so far adopted for 
the execution of the colonial policy of the National Assembly 
had proved inadequate. Either through ignorance or through 
bad intention, the colonial assemblies had insisted on execut- 
ing their own decrees without waiting for the approval of the 
Governor or the King or the National Assembly. Unless the 
colonies were granted the desired measure of independence 
which they seemed to take for granted, the National Assembly 
would have to persuade the colonies to obey instructions by 
a display of armed force. Accordingly, Barnave proposed as 
a decree, on November 29, that the assembly of Martinique be 
suspended and that the officials dismissed by it be reinstated 
in office; that a new Instruction be drafted and sent to the 
colonies ; that in addition to the military forces voted on 
October 12, six thousand troops and six battleships be dis- 
patched to the West Indies ; that four commissioners be sent 
to Martinique to investigate the disturbances on the spot and 
to provide for the immediate needs of the colony ; that the 
four commissioners be intrusted with the supreme command 
of all the military forces by land and sea and that they be 
required to visit any colony, when occasion demanded, to 
calm apprehensions and to suppress disorders. The National 
Assembly would thus have agents on the spot competent to 
explain authoritatively every detail of the new Instruction and 

n Moniteur (30 novembre 1790), 1382. 



THE new INSTRUCTION 83 

able to enforce obedience. More vigor would thus be in- 
fused into the execution of the colonial policy, and the colonists 
would be entirely without pretexts for misunderstandings. So 
the decree was adopted with but little opposition, 12 and the 
committee turned its attention to the task of drafting a new 
Instruction. 

But before the task was finished and the new Instruction 
submitted to the National Assembly for approval, the committee 
on colonies was to experience a vicissitude of fortune. For 
nine months it had been eminently successful in securing the 
adoption, often without discussion, of all its recommendations; 
but from now on it was to meet with opposition and obstruc- <L 
tion. In the Jacobin Club and in the galleries of the National 
Assembly there was developing a sentiment in regard to the 
sacred rights of man more radical than that entertained by 
Barnave and the friends of Barnave; popular favor, hitherto 
enjoyed by the leaders of the Left Center, was shifting to 
those of the Extreme Left. 13 In consequence, the National 
Assembly, always quite sensitive to outside influences, was 
disposed now to be fault-finding as regards the committee; 
and the committee, in turn, was disposed to be apologetic at 
times and more cautious than ever before. A series of inci- 
dents in January, 1791, shows the effect of this changing senti- 
ment on the fortunes of the committee. 

On January 11, Moreau de Saint-Mery, deputy for Mar- 
tinique, explained that six separate committees were dealing 
independently with various phases of the colonial problem and 
that, under the circumstances, there would inevitably be inter- 
ference and conflict of one committee with another. He there- 
fore moved that it be declared irregular for committees to 

12 Proces-verbal, no. 486, pp. 28-31. 

13 Oeuvres de Barnave, I. 125. 



84 THE FRENCH COLONIAL QUESTION 

propose to the National Assembly any measure relative to 
the colonies without having first conferred with the committee 
on colonies. 14 In this way unity of action would be secured 
and the work of the committee be made more effective. But 
instantly Petion and Robespierre were up in arms. The com- 
mittee, they said, had caused all the troubles in the colonies 
and was now trying- to prevent others from prescribing reme- 
dies for the colonial ills. The committee was aiming at a 
dictatorship. Was the National Assembly going to abdicate in 
favor of the committee on colonies? Moreau de Saint-Mery 
hastened to explain that his motive was not at all sinister, 
that he was only striving to secure more effective work by 
co-operation of committees; but he failed to carry the National 
Assembly with him. The motion was laid on the table. 15 

On January 20, Louis Monneron, deputy for Pondicherry, 
complained that nothing had been done to redress the griev- 
ances of his constituents, and demanded that the committee 
turn its attention to the organization of the colonial govern- 
ments in the East Indies. Barnave replied that there was a 
special committee for this purpose, but he was informed that 
such was not the case. Then a deputy said: "It is high time 
that you give all your colonies a general and definite organ- 
ization. They are all a prey to the most frightful disorders. 
It is the duty of the committee on colonies to recommend to 
you definite plans for the pacification and organization of all 
your distant possessions. They should all be under the same 
laws and the same regime. If you appoint an Asiatic committee, 
you must also appoint an African committee, an American com- 
mittee, and finally a committee for each colony." The present 
committee needs to be more efficient. To this criticism Barnave 

14 Moniteur (13 Janvier 1791), 50. 
15 Ibid. Proccs-verbal, no. 528, p. 21. 



THE NEW INSTRUCTION 85 

replied apologetically: "The committee labors unceasingly on 
the new Instruction for the colonies. Every week it holds three 
meetings to which are invited the deputies extraordinary of 
commerce and manufactures, the colonial deputies, and those 
colonists in Paris who are best informed on colonial affairs. 16 
Very soon we are going to present to you a comprehensive 
plan. As to the colonies in the East Indies, we did not under- 
stand that we were to deal with them, because they are far 
away and because their organization will probably be differ- 
ent from that of the colonies in the West Indies ; but if we are 
expected to take this task in hand, I ask that M. Louis Mon- 
neron be added to the committee on colonies to give us the 
"benefit of his knowledge and experience." Thereupon the Na- 
tional Assembly added Louis Monneron to the committee, as 
requested, and directed that the colonies in the East Indies be 
given an organization. 17 But strangely enough no action fol- 
lowed this decision, and after awhile it was even forgotten 
that Louis Monneron was a member of the committee on 
colonies. 

On January 24, Nairac, a wealthy merchant deputy from 
Bordeaux, insisted on reading an address from his merchant 
constituents. In reply to the demand that he submit his docu- 
ment to the committee on colonies, he said testily: "I have 
submitted a score of documents to that committee already and 
that was the last I heard of them." So the National Assembly 

"Barnave refers here to the Eighty-five, the five delegates from 
the parishes of Port-au-Prince and Croix-des-Bouquets, the six dele- 
gates from the provincial assembly of Cap Frangais, and the members 
of the Massiac Club. Though the Massiac Club refused to recognize 
the committee, it permitted its members to attend the meetings of the 
committee, if they so desired, as individuals. Letter of the Massiac 
Club, dated June 16, 1791- Arch. Nat., Dxxv. 87. 

17 Moniteur (22 Janvier 1791), 90. Proccs-verbal, no. 537, P- 19- 



86 THE FRENCH COLONIAL QUESTION 

permitted him to read. Conditions in the colonies, said the 
address, are growing worse every day. Santo Domingo is in a 
general ferment. Martinique is desolated. The succor prom- 
ised by the decrees of October 12 and November 29 has not 
left our shores. All France is astonished at the little interest 
taken in our colonies. It is a crime to treat the massacre of 
our brothers and the destruction of our commerce as light 
matters. We demand that M. Damas, Governor of Martinique, 
be recalled to give an account of his conduct. 18 After the 
reading, Nairac showed a disposition to make a fiery speech 
in support of the address, but pressure of other business forced 
him to yield the floor. The National Assembly, however, or- 
dered the committee to take the matter in hand and submit a 
report on it right away. 19 

On the following day Barnave was ready with what he 
had to say on the subject. He explained that the demands of 
the merchants of Bordeaux were in the process of being com- 
plied with. The four commissioners and the military forces 
destined for Martinique and the new Governor appointed to 
supersede Damas were all at Brest ready to embark. Also 
the two battleships destined for Santo Domingo were at Lorient 
ready to weigh anchor. The committee was constantly urging- 
the King's ministers to hasten the execution of the decrees.. 
What more could the committee do? It could not be recom- 
mending new decrees every week in regard to occurrences two- 
thousand leagues from France. The execution of the old 
decrees would be much more advisable than the adoption of 
new ones. He asked the National Assembly to relieve the com- 
mittee, therefore, of the obligation to recommend further 
measures. But his request was not granted. Le Chapelier 

13 Journal des Etats-generaux, XX. 299-300. 
19 Ibid. Proces-verbal, no. 541, p. 5. 



THE NEW INSTRUCTION 87 

mentioned that the deputies for Santo Domingo desired com- 
missioners for that colony to calm apprehensions and to pre- 
vent the new colonial assembly, if one should convene, from 
adopting any resolutions contrary to the new Instruction "which 
M. Barnave is going to draw up and present to you in the 
name of the committee." "For I tell you," Le Chapelier con- 
tinued, "that reports have it that the stronger faction in Santo 
Domingo is prosecuting in the law courts members of the weaker 
faction under pretext of disorderly conduct. It is necessary 
then to send commissioners there to stop these judicial pro- 
ceedings." 20 Barnave replied that there was no need to hurry, 
but the National Assembly insisted that the committee present 
a draft decree within a week. 21 

Accordingly, Barnave made a report at the evening session 
of February 1. He took occasion to explain the general plan 
which the committee was developing. The new Instruction was 
intended to be a body of rules, positive, clear and precise, which 
the colonists must not transgress. The commissioners to 
Martinique were to suppress disorders, reconcile the rival fac- 
tions, explain the benevolent disposition of the National Assem- 
bly, and prepare the way for the reception of the Instruction. 
The same system was to be applied to Santo Domingo and 
French Guiana. The decree which he then proposed provided 
that the King should send three commissioners to Santo Do- 
mingo and that, in addition to the usual authority, they be 
empowered to suspend, if deemed necessary, all criminal prose- 
cutions in the colony; that the new colonial assembly, if it had 
convened, be ordered to suspend the execution of all its de- 
crees, even though these decrees had been sanctioned by the 
Governor, until the arrival of the new Instruction; and that 

'"Journal des Etats-gcneraux, XX. 333. 

a Moniteur (26 Janvier 1791), 106. Proccs-verbal, no. 542, p. 8. 



88 THE FRBNCH COLONIAL QUESTION 

French Guiana, owing to its distance from the other colonies, 
be granted two special commissioners. 22 But in the discussion 
that followed, the question arose, What could commissioners 
do in the colonies without instructions? Barnave replied that 
in Martinique, where factional strife was raging, the four 
commissioners might begin their duties with ministerial instruc- 
tions only ; but in Santo Domingo and French Guiana, where 
conditions are more tranquil, their presence would not be 
necessary until the completion of the new Instruction. "It is 
to be presumed," he continued, "that the committee can 
finish the Instruction at two more meetings ; but when the work 
is finished, we shall not submit it to you at once. We shall 
first ask that three other committees — those on the constitu- 
tion, on agriculture and commerce, and on marine — be associated 
with the committee on colonies to revise the work ; for we are 
as sorry, as embarrassed, as any one else that the preceding 
decrees concerning the colonies have not solved all the diffi- 
culties. Although the Instruction of March 28, which is emin- 
ently the most important decree passed by the National Assem- 
bly, was thoroughly discussed in the committee, we declare 
nevertheless — at least I do personally — that we desire that no 
decree be adopted in the future before it has been thoroughly 
discussed by all those who are interested in it." 23 "Behold 
Barnave," says the Patriote fransais, "bringing forth fruits meet 
for repentance." 24 

When the evening session of February 1 closed, it was 
understood that the four commissioners already appointed for 
Martinique would depart at once, that the King would shortly 
appoint three commissioners for Santo Domingo and two for 

22 Journal des Etats-generaux, XXI. 24-27. 

23 Ibid., 28-29. 

2i Patriote frangais, no. 545, p. 13- 



THE NEW INSTRUCTION 89 

French Guiana, 25 that the committees on the constitution, on 
agriculture and commerce, and on marine would be shortly 
associated with the committee on colonies for the work of 
revision, and that the new Instruction thus revised would be 
submitted, at the earliest possible moment, to the National As- 
sembly for approval. And this program was partly carried 
out. The four commissioners left Brest for Martinique on 
February 5, 26 and those for Santo Domingo and French Guiana 
were appointed by the King at the end of March ; 27 but the rest 
of the program was delayed by Barnave's desire to have the 
new Instruction discussed by all those interested in it. 

At this time there were in Paris, outside the National As- 
sembly, the following groups of men interested in the new 
Instruction : the deputies extraordinary of commerce and manu- 
factures, the six delegates from the provincial assembly of Cap 
Francais, the five delegates from the parishes of Port-au-Prince 
and Croix-des-Bouquets, the Eighty-five, the Massiac Club, and 
the mulattoes. All these had been invited to attend the meet- 
ings of the committee on colonies and give their views. The 
first three groups in the order mentioned above agreed to ac- 
cept the Instruction on a certain condition; 28 the Massiac Club, 
as ever before, remained irreconcilable; the 'attitude of the 
Eighty-five and the mulattoes needs a much longer explanation. 

The Eighty-five had been retained under arrest because, if 
released, they would likely return to Santo Domingo and create 
trouble. It was not Barnave's intention that they be heard 
at the bar in defense of their personal conduct until the new 

25 Proces-verbal, no. 549, pp. 23-24. 

26 Ibid. no. 557, p. 19. 

27 Ibid., no. 744, pp. 23-25. 

2S This condition is mentioned at the beginning of chapter V. p. 98. 



9 o THE FRENCH COLONIAL QUESTION 

Instruction had been completed and accepted. 29 But they were 
restive under durance. At the morning session of March 5, 
1791, a Secretary began to read a letter which ran as follows: 
"Mr. President, we find it impossible to reconcile the spirit 
of justice and prudence which characterizes the National As- 
sembly with its persistent refusal to hear us. It is true that 
the National Assembly has already condemned us once upon a 
false accusation, without having heard us (Murmurs) * * * 
We persist, in the name of the colony of which we are the legis- 
lators, in demanding that we be heard" (Loud murmurs). At 
this point a motion was made that the authors of this letter 
be summoned to the bar and reprimanded. But Barnave inter- 
posed with the explanation that, though this was the work of 
the Eighty-five, it was not that of the Eighty-five as a body. 
"The great majority of them," said Barnave, "have attended 
the meetings of the committee on colonies and there have dis- 
cussed the interests of their country. They have given proofs 
of their moderation, and have demonstrated to us by their 
conduct and opinions that most of the errors into which they 
have fallen have been the result of honest misunderstandings." 30 
This explanation put matters in a different light, and the Na- 
tional Assembly, for the sake of the repenting members of the 
Eighty-five, contented itself with a decree in which the authors, 
and only the authors, of the letter were reprimanded without 
being summoned to the bar. 31 

Finding that nothing was to be gained by insolent behavior, 
the Eighty-five changed their tactics and, addressing a very 
respectful petition to the National Assembly, on March 30, 
they obtained permission to appear at the bar, in defense of 

29 Point du Jour, no. 595, pp. 389-390. Proces-verbal, no. 573, pp. 7-8. 
80 Journal des Etats-generaux, XXII. 244^245. 

31 Ibid., 247. Moriteur (7 mars 1791), 268. -Proces-verbal no. 581, 
p. 12. 



THE NEW INSTRUCTION 



9i 



their conduct, at the evening session of March 31. Through 
their counsel, the notorious Linguet, they consumed two evening 
sessions with their defense. Elaborate proof was offered that 
the general assembly of Saint Marc represented the will of 
Santo Domingo and that the "Constitutional Bases" of May 28 
did not violate the Instruction of March 28. But their reason- 
ing was not convincing. No matter whether the general as- 
sembly represented the will of Santo Domingo or not, the fact 
remained that the general assembly had failed to recognize 
the paramount authority of the National Assembly, and for tiiat 
reason it had been dissolved and the Eighty-five placed under 
arrest. At the close of their defense, on April 5, Barnave simply 
announced that the new Instruction was at length completed 
and asked that the committees on the constitution, on agiicul- 
ture and commerce, and on marine be now associated with the 
committee on colonies to revise the work. He then made a 
motion, by way of replying to Linguet, that the affair of the 
Eighty-five be referred to the four associated committees ; and 
the National Assembly so ordered. 32 

It was quite apparent that the Eighty-five were making no 
headway toward exoneration in that direction. Their defense 
was weak. Accordingly, on April 25, forty-seven of them 33 
bowed to the necessity of signing a formal recantation of all 
their political heresies. "We do not hesitate," they said, "to 
recognize authentically that the National Assembly is invested 
with supreme authority over all that bears the French name;" 3 * 

S2 Moniteur (9 avril 1791), 405-406. Proces-verbal, no. 612, pp. 14-18. 

33 At this time six were dead and a dozen or fifteen were on a leave 
of absence from Paris; so that the forty-seven constituted the great 
majority. Lettre du Citoyen Larchevesque-Thiband (Paris, 1793), 24. 

34 Les Americains remits a Paris, & ci-devant Composant VAssemblee 
generate de la Partie frangaise de Saint-Donvingue, a VAssemblee nationale 
(Paris, 1791), 5. 



9 2 THE FRENCH COLONIAL QUESTION 

and they said that they were going to petition the National As- 
sembly to convert the new Instruction into a formal constitu- 
tion for the colonies. Thus the committee had, in a measure, 
disposed of opposition from this quarter. 

But the other group of opponents was not so easily dis- 
posed of. Since the adoption of the decree of October 12, the 
Amis des Noirs had been demanding with renewed vigor that 
the enfranchisement of the mulattoes in the colonies be ex- 
plicitly guaranteed. 35 This demand was now supported, through- 
out France, by the rising tide of Jacobin sentiment in favor of 
the universal application of the Declaration of the rights of 
Man. And soon there was plain indication that the cause was 
gaining ground. When the motion of Moreau de Saint-Mery 
was defeated, on January 11, 1791, by the efforts of Petion 
and Robespierre, the Courier de Provence said: "This act of 
justice promises that now the defenders of liberty and humanity 
will be heard, that MM. Petion, Gregoire and Mirabeau may raise 
their voices in defense of the mulattoes oppressed by the 
whites." 36 And about the same time Brissot wrote: "Barnave 

35 Immediately after the adoption of the decree of October 12, the 
following pamphlets appeared in quick succession : Gregoire, Lettre aux 
PhilantropeSj sur les Malheurs, les Droits et les Reclamations des Gens 
de Couleur de Saint-Domingue, et des autres lies frangaises de VAmer- 
ique; Petion, Discours sur les Troubles de Saint-Domingue and Lettre 
de J. P. Brissot a Barnave. Appearing, as they did, just as public 
opinion was becoming radical, these pamphlets issued by such prominent 
men could not have failed to have a considerable influence. On January 
26, 1 791, they were followed by another : Raymond, Observations sur 
VOrigine et les Progres du Prejuge des Colons blancs contre les Hommes 
de Couleur. In refutation of these pamphlets appeared, on March 1, 
1791, an important pamphlet from the pen of the learned Moreau de Saint- 
Mery, Considerations presentees aux vrais Amis du Repos et du Bonheur 
de la France, a I 'Occasion des nouveaux Mouvemens de quelques soi- 
disant Amis des Noirs. 

38 Courier de Provence, XII. 343. 



THE NEW INSTRUCTION 93 

threatens us at no distant date with the reading of a complete 
plan for the organization of the colonies. But I can hardly 
think that the National Assembly will, for the fourth time, 
adopt from confidence and without discussion the ideas of this 
puppet of the white colonists. The mask is fallen ; the man 
is known; and the National Assembly will not permit itself 
to be dragged with the same facility into such fatal errors." 37 
Thus it would seem that the champions of the mulattoes were 
predicting success from this changing public sentiment. 

The white colonists at Paris also saw the rising tide and 
took alarm. On February 12, 1791, they all agreed, with the 
exception of the Massaic Club and the unrepentant members 
of the Eighty-five, to arouse the commercial and manufactur- 
ing cities to the realization of the fact that the mulattoes were 
about to be enfranchised. It was hoped that these cities could 
be induced to flood the National Assembly with petitions and 
remonstrances. 38 Accordingly, letters were sent out by the 
colonists with this end in view. An extract dated February 14 
reads : "It is the duty, it is to the interest of all those who know 
the facts to put the facts before the representatives of the 
nation with the same energy that obtained for us the decree 
of March 8. The peril is the same; the dangers are more 
pressing. Now, as then, each commercial city, each manu- 
facturing city, each department, should appoint deputies extra- 
ordinary to co-operate with us for the purpose of bringing 
addresses to the National Assembly, demanding that, in accord- 
ance with the promise of October 12, the National Assembly 
enact explicitly * * * that the colonists and the colonists 

37 Lettre de I. P. Brissot a M. Raymond (In Raymond's Observa- 
tions, iii-iv). 

38 Louis-M arthe-de Gouy, Depute a VAssemblee nationale, a ses 
Commcttans (Paris, mai 1791), 2-4. 



94 THB FRENCH COLONIAL QUESTION 

alone shall forever have the right to initiate the laws con- 
cerning the status of persons * * * Unite with us a second 
time and our success will destroy even the name of the sect 
opposed to us." 39 To these letters Nantes, Havre, Abbeville, 
Dunkirk, Rouen, and Dinant responded favorably and sent the 
required addresses to the National Assembly; but Lyons, Bor- 
deaux, 40 and other important cities, to the great annoyance of 
the colonists, neglected to respond. 41 Thus the attempt at co- 
operation was only a partial success; but the merchants and 
manufacturers were soon to see that the contingency whereof 
the colonists warned them was indeed imminent. 

On March 3, 1791, the National Assembly received the fol- 
lowing petition: "The deputies of the free colored men of 
the Antilles, deprived, contrary to your decrees, of that right 
which to all men is the most precious, ask the National Assembly 
to admit them to the bar, that they may make known their 
grievances. They feel assured that this privilege will not 
be denied them by an Assembly which once declared that the 
oppressed would never seek its aid in vain." 42 The petition was 
referred to the President for verification, and he having appa- 
rently no personal bias in the matter announced on the next day 
that the credentials of the mulattoes were regular and satis- 
factory; that is to say, the mulattoes who since October 22, 1789, 
had not been able to reach the National Assembly by petition 

39 Printed letter beginning" : A Paris le 14 fevrier 1791. 

40 The chamber of commerce at Bordeaux was willing to send the 
address, but the municipality, dominated by the Jacobins, refused to allow 
the address to be sent. Patriote frangais, no. 574, p. 237. 

41 Louis-Marthe-de Gouy, 4. Rapport fait au Nom des Comites 
reunis de Constitution, de la Marine, d' Agriculture et Commerce, & des 
Colonies (Paris, 1791), 3. Collection des Adresses et Petitions des 
Cito yens-Co mm erg ants de la Ville de Nantes, et des Deputes extraordin- 
aires du Commerce, sur les Affaires des Colonies (Nantes, I79 1 )- 

^Journal des Btats-generaux, XXII. 191-192. Point du Jour, no. 
601, p. 6. 



THE NEW INSTRUCTION 95 

or otherwise were now about to be treated with consideration 
and heard at the bar. But at this juncture Arthur Dillon, deputy 
for Martinique, arose and in substance said: I am going to 
speak to an assembly of practical statesmen and not a group 
of philosophers. I do not approve of race prejudice, but race 
prejudice exists nevertheless. If you admit this deputation 
of mulattoes to your bar, the colonies will revolt within fifteen 
minutes after they receive the news. You promised not to 
interfere with the status of persons in the colonies, and the 
colonists accepted your decrees on this distinct understanding. 
Now a society of so-called philosophers who are sold to Eng- 
land (Loud murmurs) * * * President: You should not make 
assertions that you can not prove. Dillon : Do not interrupt me. 
This society, if you listen to it, will reduce France to a desert. 
If you desire the welfare of France, if you desire the pros- 
perity of our manufactures, if you do not desire to see our 
colonies inundated in blood, do not admit these mulattoes to 
the bar. Who are they, anyway? They are only domestic 
servants, vagabonds, here in Paris, agents of the Amis des Noirs. 
If they have any requests to make, let them go to the committee 
on colonies. When Dillon had concluded his remarks, Petion 
and Mirabeau rushed to the tribune; but their voices were 
drowned in the tumult. There was the usual call of "question," 
"question," and the petition was referred to the committee on 
colonies. Then the day's session was adjourned, though the 
usual hour for adjournment had not arrived, and the deputies 
marched out of the hall, leaving Petion and Mirabeau gesticu- 
lating in the tribune. 43 

But these tactics were now outworn. Outside the National 
Assembly, public sentiment was emphatically on the side of 

43 Moniteur (6 mars 1791), 264. Journal des Etats-gencraux, XXII. 
222-224. Proces-verbal, no 580, pp. 17-18. 



g 6 THE FRENCH COLONIAL QUESTION 

the Amis des Noirs. This defeat of March 4 only made their 
ultimate victory more nearly certain. On March 9, the Jaco- 
bin Club of Angers took up the cause and sent out a circular 
letter "to their brothers of all the patriotic societies of the 
kingdom," in which they made the following statements: For 
a long time the National Assembly has been deceived concerning 
the interests of our colonies, and needs to be enlightened. The 
mulattoes, who own property, pay taxes and help support all 
the public burdens, should enjoy the rights of active citizenship. 
On all sides the voice of liberty and humanity makes this de- 
mand; but the enemies of justice stifle this voice with their 
protests. If the National Assembly does not come to the 
rescue of the mulattoes, they will be reduced to despair. Hor- 
rible war will follow ; our commerce and agriculture will be 
destroyed ; our colonies will cease to exist. 44 To this letter at 
least fifteen replies were made, all of which approved the stand 
taken by the Jacobins of Angers and some of which promised 
to petition the National Assembly. 45 Thus the general public 
was beginning to be aroused. 

On March 18, the mulattoes themselves returned to the 
charge with a published petition, in which they demanded three 
things in particular: that the commissioners sent to the 
colonies be instructed to protect mulattoes in the enjoyment 
of the right to assemble, to draft petitions, to write pamphlets 
and to travel where they pleased; that a clause explicitly guar- 
anteeing the enfranchisement of the mulattoes be incorporated 
in the new Instruction ; and that the commissioners be com- 
pelled to protect the mulattoes thus enfranchised in the enjoy- 

"Moniteur (22 mars 1791), 327-328. 

45 Claviere, Adresse de la Societe des Amis des Noirs (Second edi- 
tion, Paris, 10 juillet 1791), 209-229. 



THE NEW INSTRUCTION 97 

ment of their rights as active citizens. 46 And this petition was 
followed on March 28 by a long printed address from the 
Societe des Amis des Noirs "to the National Assembly, to all 
the cities of commerce, to all manufactures, to the colonies, to 
all the societies of the friends of the constitution," in which 
slavery, the slave trade, and enfranchisement of the mulattoes 
were exhaustively discussed and the obstructive methods prac- 
ticed by the white colonists were exposed. 47 

Thus by the last days of April, 1791, the mulatto question 
had again been raised to the realm of practical politics. Great 
pressure was going to be brought to bear on the National As- 
sembly, when the new Instruction should be submitted for ap- 
proval, to secure the enfranchisement of the mulattoes in the 
French West Indies. 

^Petition nouvelle des Citoyens de Couleur des lies frangaises, 11. 
47 Reprinted in the Courier de Provence (XIV. 289-445), on April 25. 



CHAPTER V. 

Decision oe the Mulatto Question; Expose of Motives. 

As the work of drafting the new Instruction proceeded, the 
white colonists at Paris were summoned to attend the meetings 
of the committee from time to time and offer criticisms and sug- 
gestions. With the exception of the Massiac Club and the un- 
repentant members of the Eighty-five, the committee and the 
colonists eventually reached an agreement on all points; but 
toward the end of April, when the time had come to present the 
Instruction to the National Assembly, deep anxiety was felt over 
the probable fate of the clauses relative to the status of persons. 
The colonists declared with one voice that they would not adhere 
to the Instruction unless the National Assembly removed all 
doubts on this point by an initial decree. 1 Accordingly, the four 
associated committees drafted a statement of their policy in re- 
gard to the status of persons in the colonies and, on May 7, 
submitted this statement to the National Assembly as a separate 
report. The following is a brief synopsis : 

"The divers petitions from the mulattoes which you have re- 
ferred to your committees, the divers addresses from the Jacobin 
societies which remonstrate in their favor, and all the addresses 
of the cities of commerce upon the same subject have been ex- 
amined with the most serious attention, with the most scrupulous 
care. Those who sought to appear at the bar as deputies for the 
mulattoes of the colonies and whom you referred to your com- 
mittee have been granted there an audience. They brought only 

1 Louis-Marthe-de Gouy, 5-6. Lettre de M. de Gouy a M. Desmeuniers, 
Depute a V Assemble nationale (Paris, ce 16 juin> 1791). 



DECISION OF THE MULATTO QUESTION 99 

letters bearing a small number of signatures," which we consid- 
ered unsatisfactory as credentials. 

"Your four associated committees are occupied indefatigably 
with the revision of the work which you intrusted to your com- 
mittee on colonies, and within a very short time we shall submit 
to you for approval a complete colonial constitution." Today, 
however, we are going (to submit to you only a statement of our 
policy in regard to the status of mulattoes and freedmen in the 
colonies. Our first article reads : "The National Assembly de- 
crees as a constitutional article that no law upon the status of 
persons can be made by ithe national legislature for the colonies 
except upon the precise and formal demand of the colonial as- 
semblies." This article can not but meet with your approval, for 
it is but the fulfillment of the promise which you made in the 
preamble of the decree of October 12. "You are told, of course, 
that what you stated in the preamble of the decree of October 12 
ought to suffice. Without doubt it ought to suffice, but as a 
matter of fact it does not suffice at all." The opponents of the 
present colonial system are asserting that your promise in the 
preamble of this important decree is only provisional and liable 
to instant revocation. The colonists, therefore, should have their 
fears allayed by a positive constitutional decree which would settle 
the matter beyond the possibility of doubt. 2 Moreover, the col- 
onists ought to be given an early opportunity to exercise their 
right of initiation relative to the status of persons. Accordingly, 
we recommend the following plan: A congress shall meet at 
Saint Martin, a small French possession in the center of the archi- 
pelago, and there determine uniformly for all the colonies the 
status of mulattoes and free blacks. This congress shall be com- 
posed of representatives from the several colonial assemblies 

2 1 have quoted and paraphrased Stoddard here (op. cit., 121) with- 
out using marks of quotation. 



ioo THE FRENCH COLONIAL QUESTION 

taken in the following proportion: twelve from Santo Domingo, 
six from Guadeloupe, five from Martinique, two from Saint Lucia, 
two from Tobago, and two from French Guiana. "We repeat, 
gentlemen," concludes the report, "the circumstances are grave; 
they are imperious. The measure which we propose has become 
a necessity; — above all a grave necessity. Discuss if you will, 
but do not adjourn. The fate of your colonies, of your commerce, 
and consequently of your political future is bound up with your 
decision." 3 

But when the report was finished, Gregoire said : "We have 
waited four months for this Instruction and, after having waited 
four months, we can easily wait four more days for the report to 
be printed and distributed. I move that the discussion be post- 
poned for a few days." 4 Of course, this motion was fair, reason- 
able and in accordance with precedent ; but the adoption of it was 
exactly what the white colonists did not desire; for the printed 
report would be certain to arouse public comment and excite the 
defenders of the mulattoes. The essential feature of the report 
needed to be put through immediately. So Moreau de Saint- 
Mery moved that the decree proposed by the four associated com- 
mittees be divided into two parts and that the first article, which 
was no more than the fulfillment of a promise, be adopted without 
delay ; action on the proposed congress at Saint Martin was not so 
urgent, he said, and might safely be postponed. But the Amis 
des Noirs and the radical Jacobins saw the snare and cried aloud. 
"If you are going to adopt from confidence every recommendation 
of the committee on colonies," said Roederer with bitter sarcasm, 
"I move that it be given the supreme regency over the colonies." 

3 Rapport fait au Nom des Comites reunis de Constitution, de la 
Marine, d 'Agriculture et de Commerce, & des Colonies. Par M. de Lattre, 
Depute du Departement de la Somme (Paris, i7Qi). 

4 Journal des Etats-gcneraux, XXV. 262. 



DECISION OF THE MULATTO QUESTION 101 

(Applause) . 5 It was not difficult to see who had the advantage in 
the struggle. The motion of Moreau de Saint-Mery was lost and 
Gregoire's was adopted. Thus the Amis des Noirs had been vic- 
torious in the preliminary skirmish. 

On May 1 1 the supreme struggle over the long delayed mulatto 
question was squarely joined. The debate, furious at times and 
stormy always, consumed five morning sessions. During the first 
two days the discussion was sur le fond — that is, upon the question 
considered as a whole. The Amis des Noirs and the radical Jacob- 
ins traced the troubles in the colonies to incendiary letters written 
to the colonies by white colonists in France, and to the refusal of 
the white colonists to obey the decrees of the National Assembly. 
They emphasized the universal application of the Declaration of 
the Rights of Man, and insisted that article IV of the Instruction 
of March 28 conferred the rights of active citizenship upon all 
persons with certain residence and property qualifications — all 
persons without distinction of color; that the preamble of the 
decree of October 12 was not a promise and could not be so con- 
strued; that the veiled threats of the colonies to secede from 
France if the mulattoes should be declared active citizens were 
perfectly harmless; that the adoption of the proposed plan for a 
congress at Saint Martin would be tantamount to a refusal to 
enfranchise the mulattoes ; that the whites desired to reduce the 
mulattoes to the condition of helots ; and that if the National As- 
sembly did not intervene, the colonies would soon be devastated 
and commerce destroyed by an interminable race war. On the 
other hand, the opponents of mulatto enfranchisement attributed 
all the troubles to the writings of the Amis des Noirs sent clan- 
destinely to the colonies. They insisted that it was impracticable 
to apply the Declaration of the Rights of Man to the colonies ; 
that the National Assembly had formally recognized this fact in 

5 Moniteur (9 mai 1791), 53°- 



102 THE FRENCH COLONIAL QUESTION 

the decree of March 8; that the much vaunted article IV of the 
Instruction of March 28 was only a provisional measure, in- 
effective after the first colonial assemblies had convened ; that the 
preamble of the decree of October 12 was indeed a solemn prom- 
ise which it would be dishonorable to break ; that the planters who 
would sit in the proposed congress at Saint Martin would cer- 
tainly ameliorate the condition of the mulattoes; and that if the 
National Assembly should commit the folly of enfranchising the 
mulattoes without the previous consent of the white colonists, a 
horrible race war would begin and end only with the destruction 
of the colonial prosperity of France. 

At the close of the second session, the discussion sur le fond 
was closed, and a motion to reject in toto the recommendation of 
the four associated committees was lost by a vote of 378 to 2Cj8. 6 
This was a test vote and revealed the party alignment. The Right 
and the Left Center voted solidly with the white colonists ; the Ex- 
treme Left voted solidly with the Amis des Noirs; the Center was 
divided in opinion, 7 and to the Center the speakers now directed 
their appeals. 

During the evening of May 12, all the white colonists in Paris, 
except the members of the Massiac Club and the unrepentant 
members of the Eighty-five, held a meeting and agreed "to give 
our adversaries the coup de grace on the morrow by proposing to 
the National Assembly that negro slavery be categorically recog- 
nized and guaranteed in the colonies." 8 Consequently, on May 13, 
Moreau de Saint-Mery moved, as an amendment to the recom- 
mendation of the four associated committees, that the following 
be adopted as the first article : "The National Assembly decrees, 

6 Journal des Etats-gencraux, XXV, 447. These figures are not offi- 
cial; none such exist. The Moniteur gives the vote as 378 to' 286. 
1 Louis-Mar the-de Gouy, 21-22. 
8 Louis-Marthe-de Gouy, 19. 



DECISION OF THE MULATTO QUESTION 103 

as a constitutional article, that no law upon the status of slaves in 
the French West Indies can ever be made by the national legisla- 
ture except upon the formal and spontaneous demand of the 
colonial assemblies." 9 For several hours a debate, fast and 
furious, raged upon this motion ; but eventually the word slaves 
was changed to persons not free, and the motion was adopted by 
a substantial majority. 10 Thus on this important point all doubts 
were at length removed. 

On May 14, the question before the house was the considera- 
tion of the original article I of the committees ; but no new argu- 
ments were advanced. At the close of the session, a motion to 
lay the proposition on the table was lost by a vote of 488 to 354. 11 
Then the President announced that the debate would be resumed 
on the next day. 

So far in the contest the white colonists had had a small 
advantage, but what the morrow held in store no man could fore- 
see. The national deputies were growing weary of the discussion 
and longing for a compromise. The colonists had need to look 
sharp to maintain their small majority. 

The session of May 15 opened with a pathetic appeal from the 
mulattoes. '"We pray the National Assembly," so ran their peti- 
tion, "not to despoil us completely of the little liberty left us — 
that is, the liberty to abandon the soil steeped in the blood of our 
brothers. Permit us to flee the sharp edge of the law which the 

9 Journal des Etats-gcneraux, XXV. 464-465. 

10 Proccs-verbal, no. 649, p. 8. Journal des Etats-gcneraux, XXV. 483. 

11 There was a roll call and the votes were counted, but the differ- 
ent reports do not agree. The Journal des Etats-gcneraux, (XXV. 509). 
and the Point du Jour (no. 672, p. 192) give the vote as 488 to 354. 
But the latter may have copied from the former. The Monitcur gives the 
vote as 388 to 355. 

12 Journal des Etats-gencraux, XXVI. 11-12. 



io4 THE FRENCH COLONIAL QUESTION 

whites are suspending over us." 12 In response, the galleries and 
the Extreme Left rang with applause. Then Rewbell, a radical 
Jacobin, took advantage of the enthusiasm to propose the follow- 
ing as a compromise measure : "The National Assembly decrees 
that the national legislature will never enact laws concerning the 
political status of colored people who are not born of free parents 
without the previous, free and spontaneous consent of the colonial 
assemblies; * * * but colored people born of free parents shall 
be allowed to vote in all future parochial and colonial electons, if 
they have otherwise the required qualifications." 13 Loud and 
prolonged applause from the entire hall greeted this proposal, and 
forthwith, writes Gouy d'Arsy, the colonists lost two hundred 
votes. 14 Barnave tried to turn the tide but, though he tried for 
an hour, his efforts were unavailing. The deputies on the Ex- 
treme Left arose to their feet and shouted continuously : "Ques- 
tion, question, close the discussion." 15 Finally Rewbell's motion 
was put to vote and carried by acclamation. Voices on the Right 
cried, "Division;" the Extreme Left applauded, and the galleries 
shouted, "Bravo." 16 

Thus was passed the decree of May 15. It enfranchised only 
a small percentage of the mulattoes and the free blacks, certainly 
not a sufficient number to influence elections; 17 but the white 
colonists affected despair. "I departed from the hall," wrote 
Gouy d'Arsy, "with tears in my eyes and death in my soul." 18 
And on the next day the deputies for the West Indies formally 

13 Ibid., 14. 

14 Louis-Marthe-de Gouy, 24. 

15 Journal des Etats-generaux, XXVI. 16. 
18 Ibid., 30. 

17 Statements in Journal des Etats-generaux, XXXIII. 239-240. 
Lettre du Citoyen Larchevesque-Thibaud, 43-44. 

18 Louis-Marthe-de Gouy, 27. 



DECISION OF THE MULATTO QUESTION 105 

notified the National Assembly that they would thenceforth absent 
themselves from its sessions, 19 

What intrigues were woven in the days that followed, it is im- 
possible, except in part, to discover. All the white colonists at 
Paris reconciled their differences in the presence of this common 
misfortune and, at a general meeting, all present agreed "that 
it was necessary to quit the continent, to regain their plantations 
and protect their property against invasion from without and fer- 
mentation from within." 20 On May 17, the deputies for Santo 
Domingo sent an official letter to each of the three provinces of 
that colony, giving an account of the five days' debate and the 
unfortunate result; 21 and the other white colonists favored their 
constituents in the same way. 22 An individual letter which, when 
printed, contains forty-six octavo pages was sent by Gouy d'Arsy 
to his constituents 23 as his contribution to the general lamentation. 
And on June 7, Daugy, one of the Eighty-five, wrote thus to the 
planters resident in the Northern Province : "Our possessions are 
endangered by this decree of the National Assembly relative to 
the colored people. * * * Today resistance becomes the duty of 
every good patriot ; but in order that resistance be effective, it must 
be unanimous." 24 Thus the evidence, so far as it is available, in- 

19 Journal des Etats-generaux, XXVI. 66. Copies exactes des 
Lettres adressees au President de I'Assemblee nationale, par les Depu* 
tes des Colonies (s. I. n. d.). 

20 Louis-Mar the-de Gouy, 35. 

21 Ibid.. 41. 

22 Garran, op. cit., II. 94. 

23 Louis-Marthe-de Gouy, Depute a I'Assemblee nationale, a ses 
Commettans (Paris, ce 15-31 mai 1791). That this letter was actually 
sent to the Santo Domingo, see Lettre de M. de Gouy, Depute de Saint- 
Domingue, a I'Assemblee nationale (Paris, ce 23 Aout 1791). 

24 Garran, op. cit., II. 94-100. Letter quoted in extenso. 



106 THE FRENCH COLONIAL QUESTION 

dictates that the white colonists were stirring up opposition to the 
execution of the decree. 

In the meanwhile, the radical Jacobins in the National As- 
sembly were fully aware of what was going on and were of no 
mind to be circumvented. On May 17, Regnaud, of Saint- Jean- 
d'Angely, called attention to the disaffection of the white colonists 
in France and to the indisposition of the four associated com- 
mittees to make further recommendations. The inhabitants of the 
colonies, he said, must receive knowledge of your true intentions 
before their minds are hopelessly poisoned; and he moved that 
the National Assembly explain its intentions by an Expose of 
Motives. Dupont de Nemours then moved that, in addition, an 
embargo be placed on all outgoing vessels to prevent letters from 
reaching the colonies in advance of the Expose. The latter motion 
was lost but the former was adopted, and the four associated com- 
mittees were ordered to prepare the Expose of Motives. 25 

But only one member of the four associated committees 
showed any interest in this matter, and that was Dupont de Ne- 
mours. After several futile attempts to get his colleagues to- 
gether, he drafted an Expose of Motives without assistance. On 
May 21, he presented the fruit of his labor to the National As- 
sembly and, as no one seemed inclined to comment on it, the 
President said: "Let those who favor the adoption of this Ex- 
pose rise," and a majority of the deputies rose. 26 Then the storm 
burst. "What," cried Nairac, "after having instructed the four 
committees to draft the Expose, you now adopt this work of M. 
Dupont ?" In reply, a deputy said : "There was in Paris today a 
meeting of the white colonists. Nothing is more urgent than that 
this Expose be sent to the colonies to sound a warning against 

25 Journal des Etats-geweraux, XXVI. 75-76. Proces-verbal, no. 653, 
p. 2. 

™Moniteur {22 mai 1791), 591. 



DECISION OF THE MULATTO QUESTION 107 

the efforts of the malevolent; for, I tell. you, the position of the 
colored people is not secure." 27 But the National Assembly de- 
cided finally that the definite adoption of Dupont's Expose would 
be deferred until the document could be printed and distributed. 
In the meanwhile, the President was to ask the King to have a 
boat ready to carry the Expose of Motives and the decree of May 
15 promptly to the colonies. 28 

On May 22, the deputies extraordinary of commerce and man- 
ufactures requested permission to appear before the House and 
make observations upon Dupont's Expose. A few months earlier, 
such a petition from this respected body of men would have been 
readily granted, but now it was greeted with calls for "the order 
of the day." Begouen pleaded : "I can not well see how you 
can refuse to hear these deputies extraordinary who have been 
appointed by our principal cities of commerce and manufactures. 
They have long been officially recognized by you and authorized 
to work with your committee on agriculture and commerce. They 
form a regular committee along side the National Assembly, and 
for two years they have been of great assistance to your commit- 
tees. (Murmurs). * * * I hope you will not add to the pro- 
found grief with which these deputies are already afflicted the 
humiliation and mortification of a refusal to hear them." (Loud 
peals of laughter) . 29 Rewbell replied : "Who are these deputies ? 
I know them ; they are agents in the pay of certain merchants. (On 
the right : That's false. On the left : Yes, that's true) . They are 
people of the Ancien Regime." 30 And the deputies extraordinary 
received no permission to make observations. 

Two days after this episode, the National Assembly received 
.addresses from the directory of the departement of the Gironde, 

" 7 Ibid., 592. 

28 Proccs-verbal, no. 657. p. 8. 

29 Moniteur (24 mai 1791), 598-599. 



108 THE FRENCH COLONIAL QUESTION 

and from the chamber of commerce, the Jacobin Club, and the 
"national coffee house" of Bordeaux. All the addresses expressed 
the most tender attachment for the cause of the mulattoes and the 
most unqualified approval of the decree of May 15. Bordeaux,, 
they said, had placed an embargo on all outgoing vessels to pre- 
vent unpatriotic letters from reaching the colonies, and moreover 
the national guards of the departement were volunteering to cross 
the sea and insure in the colonies the correct interpretation of the 
decree. 31 "The reading of these addresses and deliberations," say 
the official minutes of the National Assembly, "was followed by 
the most lively applause. A member moved that they be printed 
and deposited in the archives of the National Assembly as the 
most precious monument of civic virtue, and that the President 
be instructed to write, in the name of the National Assembly, a 
letter of satisfaction to the directory of the departement of the 
Gironde and to the chamber of commerce of Bordeaux." And the 
motion was adopted. 32 Thus the support of the great Jacobin 
stronghold of western France was appreciated. 

The Radical Jacobins in the National Assembly now began to 
urge more than ever before the necessity of haste. As the four 
associated committees still remained indifferent, it was left to in- 
dividual initiative to make recommendations. Accordingly, a 
deputy, on May 2j, said: "The departement of the Gironde, 
which alone does one-half our colonial commerce, has expressed 
to you its gratitude ; and its address, endorsed by the districts of 
the departement, by the municipality of Bordeaux, and by the 
chamber of commerce of the same city, has fully enlightened pub- 
lic opinion. But, gentlemen, the unexpected withdrawal of the 

30 Journal des Etats-generaux, XXVI, 250. 

81 Extrait du Registre des Deliberations de la Chambre du Commerce 

de la Ville de Bordeaux; et Adresses (Paris, 1791). 

32 Proces-verbal, no. 660, p. 9. 



DECISION OF THE MULATTO QUESTION 109 

deputies of our western colonies and the clamors of a great num- 
ber of Americans now in France may, by perfidious insinuations 
and false interpretations, occasion trouble. Therefore I think it 
high time to adopt M. Dupont's Expose." 33 "I do not know 
why your committees," said another deputy, "remain completely 
inactive despite their instructions to proceed with their work," and 
he moved that three or four deputies be appointed at once to re- 
vise the work of D'upont and submit it to the National Assembly. 34 
This motion met with opposition, but it was adopted. The Presi- 
dent appointed Prugnon, Goupil-Prefelne, Emmery, and La 
Rochefoucauld — the last two being Amis des Noirs, says Gouy 
d'Arsy 35 — and asked them to retire from the hall and set their 
hand to the task. 36 

On May 29, the revised Expose of Motives was read to the 
National Assembly and definitely adopted. As might be expected 
from its authorship, it was an interesting attempt to apply the 
doctrine of Rousseau to practical circumstances, "The rights of 
citizens," it says, "are anterior to, and form the bases of, society. 
The National Assembly can only recognize and proclaim these 
rights ; happily it is powerless to infringe them." But the "per- 
sons not free" cannot be considered citizens, for they are "indi- 
viduals of a foreign nation." Consequently, the National As- 
sembly has been able in this case to promise, in deference to the 
demands of the colonists, that no law upon the status of "persons 
not free" shall ever be made for the colonies by the national legis- 
lature except upon the free and spontaneous demand of the co- 
lonial assemblies. "It is in this regard only that (until May 15, 
1791) the initiative upon the status of persons had been granted 

33 Journal des Etats-generaux, XXVI. 378. 
^Moniteur (28 mai 1791), 615. 

35 Louis-Marthe-de Gouy, 40. 

36 Proccs-verbal, no. 663, pp. 15-16. 



no THE FRENCH COLONIAL QUESTION 

to the colonists." On the other hand, however, the mulattoes and 
the free blacks must be considered citizens. "Reason, common- 
sense, and the positive text of the law declare that the colonies 
are composed of all the free citizens who inhabit them, and that 
all these citizens ought to have a voice in the election of the legis- 
lative assemblies destined to exercise for them the right of initia- 
tive. * * * And if there was ever any doubt on this point, it was 
removed by the decree of March 28 which * * * says formally 
and unequivocally (Art. IV) that every free person — proprietor 
taxpayer, and resident for two years — shall enjoy the rights of ac- 
tive citizenship. It was not in the power of the National Assembly 
to refuse to adopt this decree ; it was not in the power of the Na- 
tional Assembly to restrict the sense of it, or in any way to in- 
fringe the rights of citizenship." -Yet the colonial deputies kept 
insisting that there should be an intermediate class between the 
"persons not free" and the active citizens, kept insisting that there 
be a class which enjoys civic rights but not political rights ; more- 
over, they insisted that the colonial assemblies should have the 
privilege of determining the composition of this intermediate 
class and erroneously contended that this privilege had been prom- 
ised in the preamble of the decree of October 12. To all these 
demands the National Assembly has graciously yielded so for as 
it had power to yield. "It could have refused positively to form 
the intermediate class ; it could have insisted on the literal inter- 
pretation of the decree relative to the status of persons ; but it 
has preferred to deal with the colonies as a fond mother deals 
with her children. Therefore it has consented to form the inter- 
mediate class and to include in it the f reedmen and even the free 
men born of unfree parents." Thus the right to initiate laws upon 
status of persons has been extended far beyond the original inten- 
tion of the National Assembly. 



DECISION OF THE MULATTO QUESTION 



in 



"A wise precaution has been taken to prevent all agitation 
in the colonies: there will be a delay between the promulgation 
of the decree of May 15 and the execution of it. * * * During 
this interval prejudice will have time to die out." Sentiments of 
justice and humanity and patriotism will supersede prejudice. 
The whites will come to regard the mulattoes as their brothers. 

"What more beautiful token of esteem could France give the 
colonies? They will enjoy the right to initiate constitutional laws 
upon the status of 'persons not free' and of persons born of un- 
free parents. With what more beautiful function could France 
invest them? They have the glorious opportunity to advise the 
national legislature in regard to the amelioration of the condition 
of these two unfortunate classes — to suggest measures of relief 
for suffering humanity ; and moreover they may suggest compro- 
mises and modifications in the general laws of the empire. * * * 
Can one imagine a greater number of concession, more honoring 
and more nattering? Is there anywhere a mother country who 
has abandoned to her colonies the exercise of such a privilege in 
regard to the most important acts of legislation ? The National 
Assembly has granted everything to the colonies — everything save 
the sacrifice of the imprescriptible rights of a class of citizens 
which nature and nature's law render an integral part of political 
society— everything save the reversal of the life-giving principles 
of the French constitution. * * * 

"The National Assembly has instructed its four associated 
committees to complete and submit without delay the new Instruc- 
tion. This Instruction will be sent to the colonies, not to infringe 
their right of initiative as some imagine, but to furnish a collection 
of ideas. The colonial assemblies are exhorted to accept this In- 
struction for what it is intrinsically worth. They can adopt it, they 
can modify it, they can even reject it entirely and adopt any other 
measure which they may deem better calculated to afford them 



U2 THE FRENCH COLONIAL QUESTION 

happiness and prosperity." 37 The colonists must obey the decree 
of May 15, but they shall not be compelled to obey the Instruction. 
This concession, observed a deputy, is "the honey added to the 
cup of bitterness." 38 

The Expose was adopted without discussion, but a lively dis- 
cussion followed the adoption. Regnaud made the usual charge 
that the enemies of the public welfare were plotting against the 
execution of the decree of May 15, and moved that the President 
be sent to the King with the request that the Expose be dispatched 
promptly to the colonists. Malouet, in reply, made the counter 
charge that the defenders of the decree were the persons plotting. 
He declared that addresses were arriving daily from the maritime 
cities, but that the radical Jacobins withheld these addresses from 
the knowledge of the National Assembly. The opponents of the 
decree, he said, were not enemies of the Revolution as popular 
clamor seemed to indicate, but cleared-headed statesmen who could 
foresee the dire consequences of any attempt to execute the decree. 
The decree needed to be modified and properly interpreted. It 
should be said that the decree enfranchised the colored people born 
of free parents but did not make them eligible to office. Add then, 
he urged, an interpretative clause, providing that the colonial as- 
semblies shall have the initiative in fixing the qualifications for 
eligibility to office, and the colonists will be satisfied. 39 

Frequent murmurs interrupted Malouet and when he had fin- 
ished, each side, in a confused debate, accused the other of perfidy 
and misrepresentation. "Four days ago," said Dupont, "I saw 
upon the desk of the committee on colonies an address which has 

37 Ex trait des Proces-verbaux de V Assemble e nationale, relativement 
a I'Etat des Personnes dans les Colonies. Sub-title: Expose des Motifs 
des Decrets des 13 & 15 Mai, sur VEtat des Personnes dans les Colonies 
(Paris, 1791). 

38 Journal des Etats-generaux, XXVI. 378. 

39 Ibid., 472-474. 



DECISION OF THE MULATTO QUESTION 113 

not yet been received from Nantes. If you have not received this 
address, which predicts great calamities, it is simply because the 
courier has not returned with it yet." Blin indignantly replied that 
the address was indeed drafted at Nantes, that it had been sent to 
the deputies extraordinary of commerce and manufacturers and 
by them submitted to the committee on colonies. Dupont : "I asked 
a member of the committee if the address which I saw was really 
from Nantes, and another member replied that the address had 
not arrived yet." Blin : "I bear witness that it was from Nantes, 
and I challenge M. Dupont to prove the contrary." Dupont: "I 
know no more than what I have stated." (Murmurs). 40 Rewbell 
then insinuated that an address from Havre was really the work of 
Begouen, 41 and a deputy in reply asked if the much vaunted ad- 
dress from the Gironde was not really drafted in Paris. 42 These 
mutual recriminations afforded Cazales an excellent opportunity to 
demand, with an appearance of plausibility, that the sending of 
the decree and the Expose to the colonies be postponed until the 
views of commerce and the colonies could be definitely as- 
certained. 43 But of course delay was exactly what the radical 
Jacobins did not desire. So the demand of Cazales was rejected 
amidst applause from the galleries, and the motion of Regnaud 
was adopted. 44 This made the King's ministers responsible for 
the prompt expedition of the Expose to the colonies. 

But nearly two weeks passed and still no steps seemed to be 
taken to carry out the orders of the National Assembly. Accord- 
ingly, on June 19, Rabaut de Saint-Etienne said : "I make the mo- 
tion that there be appointed forthwith two or three deputies to 

*° Moniteur (30 mai 1791), 618 [624]. 

a Journal des Etats-gev.eraux, XXVI. 475. 

42 Moniteur (30 mai 1791), 618 [624]. 

"Moniteur (30 mai 1797), 618 [624]. Proccs-vcrbal, no. 665, p. 14. 

44 Journal des Etats-gcneraux, XXVI. 476. 



ii 4 THE FRENCH COLONIAL QUESTION 

wait on the Minister of Marine and ascertain what has been done 
toward the execution of the decree of May 15 and toward the ex- 
pedition of the Expose to the colonies." 45 And le Chapelier moved 
that the four associated committees be given positive orders to sub- 
mit the rest of their work on the "colonial constitution." "The 
committees," he said, ''were occupied' with this work; they had 
almost completed their task ; they were only awaiting the pleasure 
of the National Assembly to make a report; but this work was dis- 
continued precisely at the time your decree of May 15 was adopt- 
ed, and the members of the committees discontinued their attend- 
ance at the meetings." 46 Both these motions were adopted. The 
National Assembly sent a small committee to wait on the Minister 
of Marine, and ordered the associated committees to "render an 
account at once of their work concerning the constitution of the 
colonies." 47 

During the same session word was brought back from the 
Minister "that the commissioners appointed for the execution of 
the decree were ready to depart, that the ships had been ready also 
for more than a month in the ports of Brest, Lorient, and Roche- 
fort; but the Minister did not know whether the commissioners 
were to depart with only the decree of May 15 and the Expose of 
Motives, or to wait for the Instruction relative to the constitution 
of the colonies." The National Assembly appreciated the dilemma 
in which the Minister found himself and, instead of censuring him 
for unnecessary delay, it referred the question which he raised to 
the four associated committees for decision. 48 

Thus driven to the task, the four associated committees, on 
June 14, announced that the Instruction for Santo Domingo, the 

45 Ibid., XXVII. 290. 

46 Ibid., 291. 

47 Proccs-verbal, no. 677, p. 6. 

48 Ibid., p. 15. 



DECISION OF THE MULATTO QUESTION n 5 

principal colony, 49 was ready for approval, and Defermon, 
the reporter, offered to read the document. Straightway, however, 
various objections were raised. Adrien Duport, apparently seek- 
ing further delay, said that, as the reading would be long, tiresome 
and unprofitable, the Instruction might best be printed first and 
distributed. Tracy, a radical Jacobin, insisted that the commis- 
sioners be ordered to depart at once with only the decree of May 
15 and the Expose. "It is a very great question," he said, "wheth- 
er, after having granted to the colonial assemblies the exclusive 
initiative, we should make a constitution for them." Another 
deputy objected to making a constitution for the colonies in the 
absence of the colonial deputies. To all the objections, Demeun- 
ier, member of the committee on constitution, replied : "We are 
not making a constitution for the colonies ; we are only drafting 
a simple memorandum which we shall authorize the Minister of 
Marine to send to the colonies as an Instruction. The small colon- 
ies especially need such a memorandum. It is easy to see how 
Chandernagore, for example, or any other small colony would be 
very much embarrassed if we did not give it a sort of sketch, or 
outline. It is then, I repeat, only a simple constitutional project 
which the colonies may either follow or not follow, but which 
does not in any way bind us since it is not a formal decree. You 
will only be sending to the colonies an instructional memorandum, 
a body of information. You can, therefore, without approving 
the Instruction itself, approve that it be sent to the colonies * * * 
Here is then the question before the house : Does the National 
Assembly desire to hear the reading of a draft Instruction which 
will be sent to the colonies on the understanding that it will not be 
binding (sans rien d'imperatif), while informing the colonies at 
the same time that they, though free to reject the Instruction, must 

40 The Instruction was intended to be applicable, with slight modi- 
fications, to all the other colonies. 



n6 THE FRENCH COLONIAL QUESTION 

yield to the National Assembly the privilege of passing definitively 
on whatever actions the colonial assemblies may take, whether 
these actions be in the sense of the Instruction or otherwise?" 50 
The question thus stated was finally decided in the affirmative, and 
the long Instruction was read. 51 

When the reading was at length finished, Petion pointed out 
that, notwithstanding what might be said to the contrary, the 
Instruction, if adopted, would be considered binding ; and Gregoire 
said: "The National Assembly can not be expected, after one 
simple reading, to send this legislative encyclopedia to the colonies. 
Instead, the National Assembly should send military forces to the 
colonies to insure the execution of the decree of May 15." Judging 
from the tone of the entire debate, it would seem that the Extreme 
Left, where sat the radical Jacobins, was opposed to the In- 
struction intrinsically, but was willing to adopt it as a simple 
memorandum if thereby the departure of the commissioners might 
be hastened. On the other hand, those who had usually followed 
the lead of the four associated committees saw the hopelessness of 
trying to make more of the Instruction than a simple memoran- 
dum. So on June 15, the National Assembly adopted the following 
decree : That the Instruction be sent ''to the Governor of the col- 
ony of Santo Domingo to serve as an instructional memorandum 
only ; that the colonial assembly may, while conforming to the de- 
crees rendered for the colonies of which it can neither stay nor 
suspend the execution, put provisionally into execution, with the 
previous sanction of the Governor, the various decrees rendered 
for the kingdom and whatever parts of the Instruction may be 

60 Journal des Etats-generaux, XXVII. 383-384. 

^Instruction pour les Colonies frangaises contenant un Projet de 
Constitution, presentee a I'Assemblee nationale, au Nom des Comites 
de Constitution, des Colonies, de la Marine, d' Agriculture et de Com- 
merce (Paris, 1791). 74 pages. 



DECISION OF THE MULATTO QUESTION n 7 

adaptable, on condition that everything be reported to the national 
legislature for approval and for the sanction of the King ; that, in 
order to put the colonial assembly in position to exercise this lib- 
erty of choice, there will be sent to it, to serve likewise as a mem- 
orandum only, a copy of the decrees of the National Assembly." 52 
Thus the statement was repeated that the Instruction was not to 
be, as Barnave once said, a body of rules, positive, clear and pre- 
cise, which the colonists must obey. If the colonists would obey 
the decree of May 15, their right to initiate constitutional and 
statute laws would in no way be limited. 

All the troublesome questions had now been settled, and there 
seemed no longer any excuse for delay. The commissioners were 
expected to depart at once and carry to the colonies the decree 
of May 15, the Expose of Motives, the Instruction of June 15, and 
a copy of the decrees of the National Assembly. But all these well 
laid plans were disarranged by an untoward occurrence. On June 
21 the King fled from Paris toward the eastern frontier, and a 
long period of confusion followed in which a republican party was 
born. The colonial deputies forthwith returned to their seats in 
the National Assembly, 53 and there was still a prospect that the 
departure of the commissioners might be delayed until tidings of 
disaster could come from the colonies. 54 

62 Proces-verbal, no. 681, p. 6. 

53 Moniteur (23 juin 179O, 622 [722]. Correspondance inedite du 
Constituant Thibaudeau (1789-1791), 146. Publiee par Henri Carre et 
P. Boissonnade (Paris. 1898). 

"Garran, op. cit., II. 273-274. 



CHAPTER VI. 

Decision oe the: Mulato Question Reversed. 

For two months after the flight to Varennes the radical Jaco- 
bins were occupied with the question of the King's trial and left 
the colonial question in obeyance. But on August 2,2 the following 
letter came from the Governor of Santo Domingo : "A ship which 
arrived from Nantes on June 30 brought several letters 1 telling us 
of the decree adopted by the National Assembly at the sessions of 
May 13 and 15, which admits the colored people to the parochial 
and colonial [electoral] assemblies. I would that I might leave 
you ignorant of the sensation made, and of the rapidity with which 
the news spread to all parts of the colony * * * This decree is a 
formal breach of the promise made in the preamble of the decree 
of October 12 * * * The most loyal hearts are estranged, and 
the most frightful civil war or the loss of the colony to France 
may well be the result of the present excitement * * * The first 
part of the decree relative to slaves and simple freedmen gives no 
assurance whatever in regard to property. It is regarded only as a 
provision which a subsequent decree may abrogate, just as it has 
annulled the promise of October 12. Thus (and this is the greatest 
misfortune of all) the confidence of the colonists in the National 
Assembly is destroyed. 

"The same letters say that England has a fleet of forty-five sail 
in the West Indian waters, and my pen refuses to report the 
speeches, perhaps the prayers, to which this circumstance has given 
birth. The provincial assembly meets tomorrow, I am told, to take 

betters from the colonial deputies and other colonists at Paris, of 
course. See ante, p. 105. 



DECISION REVERSED 119 

action. 2 What resolution it may adopt I can not predict. I know 
its patriotism from experience. And the National Assembly 
has already seen its principles regarding the mulattoes from its 
address of last July. 3 Those principles remain unchanged. Yet it 
is difficult to keep this decree, now so public, from the knowledge 
of the mulattoes. If they move, all is lost. 

"So you see, Monsieur, my predicament. It is not my province 
to comment on decrees ; my duty is to enforce them. But I am 
resolved to pour out the last drop of my blood rather than spill that 
of my fellow citizens and brothers. I pray Heaven that the retire- 
ment of the colonial deputies from the National Assembly, and 
the remonstrances of commerce may bring about the withdrawal 
of the fatal decree. I wish that the National Assembly would 
at least condescend to interpret it * * * It provides only for the 
admission of the mulattoes to the electoral assemblies, and the 
whites are determined to keep that privilege for themselves alone. 
But the mulattoes are going to demand, as a consequence of the 
decree, admission to all official positions * * * I shall do my best 
to keep the peace, or rather to prevent the shedding of blood. 
But you see from the condition of the colony how feeble my efforts 
are going to be. It is inevitable that all the whites will unite into 
a single party opposed to the execution of the decree. In a word, 
Monsieur, I have reason to fear that this decree, if it is not at least 
modified, will prove the death warrant of many thousand men, 
including those very persons who are the objects of its solicitude." 4 
Thus the first tidings from the colonies did indeed announce the 
fulfillment of the prophecy so frequently uttered by the opponents 

2 The Governor is writing this letter at Cap Frangais. 

3 See ante, pp. 65-69. 

4 Reprinted in Archives [>arlementaires, XXIX. 623-624. Cf. Journal 
des Etats-generaux, XXXII. 157-159. Moniteur (23 aout 1791), 972. Cf. 
Stoddard, op. cit., 124-125-. 



120 THE FRENCH COLONIAL QUESTION 

of the decree, and the radical Jacobins were thoroughly angry. 
They declared that a counter revolution fomented by colonists in 
France was raging in Santo Domingo, and demanded that the 
Governor's letter be referred to the committee appointed for the 
investigation of treason and crime, and demanded that an investi- 
gation be made to ascertain why the orders of the National As- 
sembly in regard to the execution of the decree of May 15 had not 
been promptly carried out. 5 "We are betrayed," said Rewbell ; and 
the debate grew so tumultuous that the President put on his hat 
as a sign that he was no longer able to keep order. Finally, how- 
ever, Moreau de Saint-Mery obtained the floor and produced an- 
other letter, dated July 5, which said : "The assembly of the North- 
ern Province, at the session of July 4, listened to the reading of 
several addresses sent to the colony by the departement of the 
Gironde. The discussion bore upon the prompt formation of a 
general colonial assembly. The provincial assembly issued a call 
for an immediate election of deputies to a general assembly to 
meet at Leogane * * * * The same invitation was sent to the 
other two provinces of the colony. The citizens here at Cap Fran- 
cais are all united for the common cause. Since the arrival of 
the decree of May 15, opinions are no longer divided. We are 
sure that the two other provinces are of the same mind as our- 
selves. The Governor communicated to the provincial assembly 
his letter to the Minister of Marine 6 at the session of yesterday. 
The reading was interrupted at intervals by lively applause. It 
has done much to restore peace here, because we believe it will 
produce a salutary effect in France and re-enforce the demands 
of our provincial assembly." 1 

5 Journal des Etats-generaux, XXXII. 159-162. 

6 This is the letter read to the National Assembly on August 22, and 
just quoted above. - 



DECISION REVERSED I2 i 

When Moreau de Saint-Mery had .finished reading, Tracy- 
said : While the committee on colonies and the Minister of Ma- 
rine were malingering, public enemies have aroused the spirit of 
disobedience in our colonies. I move that several new members 
favorable to the execution of the decree of May 15 be added to the 
committee and that the committee thus re-enforced be ordered to 
give an account of the steps so far taken to carry out instructions 
of the National Assembly. 8 Rewbell proposed as an amendment 
that the Minister of Marine be summoned to the bar. According- 
ly, the National Assembly decreed that the Minister should appear 
at the bar and give reasons for his negligence, that six new mem- 
bers be added to the committee on colonies, and that the letter of 
the Governor be referred to the committee thus re-enforced. 9 

On August 23, the Minister obeyed the summons and in sub- 
stance said : The commissioners for Santo Domingo were appoint- 
ed at the end of March and were given all the documents relative 
to the troubles in that colony. Then the decrees of May 13 and 15 
were adopted, and on May 29 an Expose of Motives followed. The 
Expose in turn mentioned the Instruction, and I understood that 
the commissioners were to< wait for that also. The measures which 
I have taken for the execution of the decrees are as follows : A 
frigate at Brest to transport the commissioners to Santo Domingo, 
a ship at Lorient to transport the commissioners to French Guiana, 
and an advice-boat at Lorient to carry the decrees, the Expose 
and the Instruction to Martinique, Tobago, and Guadeloupe. 
These vessels have been ready for several months. On June 8, I 
wrote to the committee on colonies and urged haste. Finally the 
Instruction was ready on June 15, but it was not submitted to me 
until July 25. On the very next day, the three commissioners for 

7 Journal des Etats-generaux, XXXII. 163. 

8 1 bid. , 164-165. 

9 Proccs-verbal, no. 743, pp. 8-9. 



I22 THE FRENCH COLONIAL QUESTION 

Santo Domingo resigned, 10 and it was only last week that three 
others could be appointed to take their places and be sent to 
Brest. So soon as the Instruction for French Guiana, and those 
for Guadeloupe and Tobago are submitted to me, I shall hasten the 
departure of the commissioners for those colonies. 11 

The explanation had about it the ring of sincerity and satisfied 
the National Assembly as regarded the good intentions of the Min- 
ister. The blame was now placed squarely on the shoulders of 
the four associated committees. Seeing this, Barnave, who had 
kept discreetly silent about colonial affairs since May 15, felt con- 
strained to make the following defense: For four months I 
labored on a constitution for the colonies. When the task was 
finished, the four associated committees thought it advisable to 
propose to you the preliminary decree which you rejected. As the 
decree which you adopted in its place contravened the spirit of my 
colonial policy, I believed in the intimacy of my soul that I could 
be of no further service. So I ceased to attend the meetings of 
the associated committees (On the Extreme Left: II fallait le dire. 
— Murmur es.) I offered to resign but the other members of the 
committees begged me to remain, saying that, as reporter of the 
committee on colonies, my influence in the colonies was great and 
that my resignation, if made public, would certainly encourage op- 
position to the execution of the decree. Accordingly, I remained 
on the committee but took no part in its deliberations. And my 
conduct has been imitated by others, thus leaving to those who 
have faith in the decree a free hand to provide for its execution. 
There is no doubt that the colonies are full of rage and indignation. 

10 lis ont ecrit qu'ils ne croyaient pas partir dans l'etat ou etait le Roi ; 
qu'en consequence ils demandaient que Ton suspendit ou que Ton acceptat 
leur destitution. — Journal des Etats-generaux, XXXIII. 276. Cf. Pro- 
ccs-verbal, no. 761, pp. 3-4. 

11 Proccs-verbal, no. 744. 23-24. 



DECISION REVERSED 123 

■"Now, I declare to the National Assembly that if it does not take 
the wisest precautions relative to the decree of May 15, relative 
to the disturbances which are certain to follow, we shall, in all 
seriousness, lose our most beautiful and most prosperous colony 
(Murmurs). It is always much better to be wise before the event, 
to apply remedies while yet there is time, than to purchase passing 
and prefidious flatteries at the price of the real disasters which 
follow." You can not trace the troubles to incendiary letters sent 
from France nor to any criminal negligence of the committee on 
colonies. The troubles have been caused by the decree itself. I 
told you during the five days' debate in May that the execution of 
this decree was impossible. "Now that my prophecy has been ful- 
filled, it behooves me to enlighten public opinion and yours, and I 
shall do so with courage." The time has come to proceed to 
business. The four associated committees need to meet at once 
and prescribe remedies for the colonial ills. 12 To this speech Louis 
Monneron and La Rochefoucauld, both radical Jacobins, made 
brief replies. Then the National Assembly added to the committee 
on colonies the following members : Louis Monneron, La Roche- 
foucauld, Tracy, Brostaret, Castelanet, and Perisse du Luc. 13 
These deputies were all known to be favorable to the execution of 
the decree of May 15, and were expected to counterbalance the 
influence of the disaffected members of the committee. 

But there was beginning now to be a reaction against the 
colonial policy of the radical Jacobins. On August 25, a petition 
was received from thirty-six "merchant citizens" of Nantes for 
the revocation of the decree. "The planters," said the petition, 

12 Journal des Etats-generaux, XXXII. 219-223. Moniteur (25 aout 
I79i), 979-98o. 

13 Proces-verbal, no. 744, pp. 25-26; no. 746, p. 1. Louis Monneron 
had been added to this committee once before. See ante, p. 85. 



124 THE FRENCH COLONIAL QUESTION 

"were calmly and confidently awaiting the constitutional code 
promised by the decree of March 8 and that of October 12 ; they 
were calling for the commissioners whom you had promised to 
send them as guarantees of peace * * * Suddenly, gentlemen, 
instead of the fulfillment of their desires, a ship touches at Cap 
Francais with the decree of May 15. Instantly the national colors, 
those signs of liberty to which all citizens rally, are trodden under 
foot ; resolutions of despair succeed tranquil deliberations ; war 
within and without succeeds the arts of peace. Blood is ready 
to flow, and the mulattoes are going to be the first victims immo- 
lated to the fury of the colonists. To contemplate this sad picture 
is too distressing for tender hearts. * * * Hasten to inform the 
colonists that you will suspend the execution of a decree which is 
certain to cause their ruin and ours." 14 Frequent calls for "the 
order of the day" interrupted the reading of this petition, but no 
discussion followed. The National Assembly referred the docu- 
ment to the committee on colonies with orders to make a report 
on August 29. 15 

Sentiment inside the National Assembly was now rapidly 
changing; the colonial policy of the Left Center was again in 
the ascendant. On August 28, it was decreed that the commis- 
sioners at Brest should remain in France and await further or- 
ders. 16 And on August 29, instead of the expected report on the 
colonies, Tracy, Castelanet, Perisse du Luc and La Rochefoucauld 
announced that, finding the atmosphere (figuratively speaking) of 
the committee room uncomfortable, they would attend the meet- 
ings of the committee no more. 17 The radical Jacobins denounced 

14 lournal des Etats-generaux, XXXII. 259, 261. 

15 Proces-verbal, no 746, p. 7. 

16 Ibid., no. 749, p. 10. 

17 Journal des Etats-generaux, XXXII. 435 et seq. 



DECISION REVERSED I25 

the committee for its overbearing conduct, and demanded that it be 
renewed either wholly or in part; but nothing came of their de- 
mand. The National Assembly adjourned for the day without 
deciding anything relative to the colonies. 

From this time on, the National Assembly was frequently 
importuned. On August 31, a Secretary read another letter from 
the Governor of Santo Domingo and three pamphlets issued by 
the provincial assembly at Cap Francais. They were all of the 
same tenor : the decree must be either modified or suspended. Next 
was read an address, endorsed by six pages of signatures, from 
the merchants of Bordeaux, which warned the National Assembly 
that any attempt to execute the decree would entail the destruc- 
tion of the Commerce and manufactures of France. Then fol- 
lowed another from the administrators of the departement of the 
Gironde, which declared that all complaints concerning the decree 
could be traced to offended pride and pecuniary interests, that the 
decree had been well received by most of the colonists, and that 
the municipality of Bordeaux was going to punish those mer- 
chants who had recently petitioned the National Assembly to 
suspend the execution of the decree. Then Begouen read an ad- 
dress, endorsed by seven or eight pages of signatures, from the 
merchants and ship owners of Havre, who, like the merchants of 
Bordeaux, demanded the repeal or modification of the decree. 
This address was even supported by the Jacobin Club of Havre, 
which expressed fears that the colonies might secede and give 
themselves to England. Then Louis Monneron read a letter from 
a certain M. Bourbon of Bordeaux who said that those opposed 
to the execution of the decree were enemies of the Revolution and 
that he had heard that the rich parish of Croix-des-Bouquets and 
many others had found the decree satisfactory. At length, when 
all these documents had been read, the National Assembly re- 



126 THE FRENCH COLONIAL QUESTION 

f erred them to the committee on colonies and adjourned for L he 
day. 18 

On September 3, "the citizens of the city of Havre," having 
learned that the merchants of that city had petitioned the National 
Assembly to repeal the decree, sent a counter petition for the exe- 
cution of the decree. The merchants and ship owners, said "the 
citizens," are interested in the slave trade. 19 

On September 5, the monotony was varied by a criticism more 
scathing than usual, of the committee on colonies. Two individ- 
uals calling themselves "deputies extraordinary of the city of 
Brest" appeared at the bar, and one of them said : "If the decree 
of May 15 has not been well received in the colonies, it is be- 
cause those who are expected to execute the law are fomenting 
trouble. This is not a rash statement. Five months ago we sub- 
mitted to the committee on colonies more than eighty manuscript 
documents which prove this statement beyond the shadow of a 
doubt. But these documents have not been examined at all, nor 
has the petition from Brest, referred to this committee, been 
examined. We wrote twice to M. Barnave, but he made no reply. 
We urged him to glance at these documents, but he manifested 
the coldest indifference. We then wrote to the President of the 
National Assembly, who ordered the members of the committee to 
meet, but this order was as useless as were our remonstrances. 
* * * We shall dwell no longer on the conduct of this committee. 
You doubtless recall that the members added to it were constrained 
to resign. They have not yet been replaced. * * * We petition 
the National Assembly to order the committee on colonies to make 
a report on the petition from the citizens of Brest." 20 

18 Journal des Etats-generaux, XXXIII. 45-55. Proces-verbal, no. 752, 
pp. 8-10. 

18 Journal des Etats-generaux, XXXIII. 135-136. 
20 Ibid., 185-186. 



DECISION REVERSED 



127 



The tone and content of this petition aroused the wrath of 
Alexandre Lameth, who said in substance: The troubles in the 
colonies have not been caused by the committee, but by the decree 
itself. Whoever dares deny this is treasonable to truth. Cries and 
interruptions do not respond to facts. The decree can be executed 
only at the point of the bayonet. Those who are responsible for 
the adoption of the decree are responsible for the troubles. 21 To 
these assertions, Robespierre said in reply : "If to be understood, 
it is necessary to use personalities, I say to you that those who 
are permitted to arouse suspicions concerning both the decree of 
May 15 and the deputation from Brest— I say to you that those 
are the men who are traitors to the country (Loud applause on 
the Extreme Left and in the galleries) * * * I say to you that the 
traitors to the country are those who desire the repeal of your 
decree; and, if to be understood in this Assembly, I must needs 
call individual names, I name M. Barnave and M. Lameth" (Vo- 
ciferous applause on the Extreme Left and in the galleries. On the 
Left Center: A VAbbaye, a I'Abbaye M. Robespierre. Barnave 
rushes to the tribune and demands a hearing) . If the National 
Assembly will fix a day, continued Robespierre, I shall offer evi- 
dence to prove that the committee on colonies is guilty of treason. 22 
Then Barnave said: Let an investigation be made. I defy M. 
Robespierre. The troubles in the colonies have been caused by the 
Jacobin Club at Brest which these petitioners represent, and by 
incendiary letters written by Abbe Gregoire and other anarchists. 
This scandalous scene today has been staged and the galleries 
packed by Brissot de Warville and others who are now standing 
for election in Paris and hope to win votes by a sensational demon- 
stration. The radical Jacobins have no knowledge of conditions 
in the colonies and no interest in the commercial prosperity of 
"•'Ibid., 186-188. 
22 Ibid., 189-191. Cf. Monitcur (8 septembre 1791), 1044-1045. 



128 THE FRENCH COLONIAL QUESTION 

France. I demand that the addresses from Rouen, Rennes and 
Harfleur be read to the National Assembly. 23 Another deputy 
suggested that the petition of "the deputies extraordinary of the 
city of Brest," which had caused this stormy debate, be handed 
back to its bearers as a mark of supreme contempt ; but the Na- 
tional Assembly, without deciding anything, passed to "the order 
of the day." The discussion had served only to stir up bad 'blood 
once more on both sides. 

On September 7, the three addresses mentioned by Barnave 
were read, 24 and a noisy debate followed. "M. Barnave, who has 
been so conspicuous today," said Lanjuinais, "seeks and obtains 
the reading of these addresses, but he does not read addresses 
opposed to the repeal of the decree." Rewbell : "We have, up to 
the present, listened to various addresses ground out by the same 
mill — addresses prepared, drafted and signed right here in Paris 
before the decree was even adopted." Barnave : "You are densely 
ignorant of the colonies." Rewbell : "Those who have played the 
principal role in the committee on colonies have been to the colon- 
ies no oftener than I have. I ask M. de Curt, if he is present, to 
confess that he has frequently said that, if the decree had admitted 
the mulattoes only to the parochial [electoral] assemblies, there 
would never have been any difficulty. It is then an affair of vanity, 
of pride, and nothing more (Applause) * * * It is evident that 
they are playing a game. I have been assured on good authority 
that the mulattoes born of free parents can not have the prepon- 
derance in the [electoral] assemblies, because out of one hundred 
mulattoes there are not perhaps two who can prove that they are 
born of free parents. * * * Besides, it is not your business to 
repeal the decree, even if it ought to be repealed. So I move that 
the question be adjourned till the meeting of the next legisla- 

23 Journal des Etats-generaux, XXXIII. 192-195. 

24 Ibid., 232-237. 



DECISION REVERSED l2 g 

ture," 25 — which, as everyone could foresee, was going to be radi- 
cally Jacobin. Then Barnave replied : The life of a great colonial 
population is endangered by the admission to political rights of 
four or five hundred, or perhaps a thousand, persons. We must 
repeal this decree before the National Assembly dissolves, or else 
our colonies are lost. I move that the committee on colonies be 
instructed to make a report within ten days on the decree of May 
15. And his motion was adopted. 26 Thus the question of the re- 
peal was at last in the "order of the day." 

In the meanwhile, the four associated committees, under the 
presidency of Begouen, made out a list of all the addresses and 
other expressions of opinion which were favorable to the execu- 
tion of the decree, and a list of all those which were unfavorable. 
The result showed that, whereas four or five addresses endorsed 
by a score of signatures demanded the execution of the decree, 
thirty-six endorsed by a'bout two thousand signatures declared the 
execution either impossible or dangerous. The maritime and com- 
mercial cities of France, the assembly of Cap Frangais, the Gover- 
nor of Santo Domingo, the cities of Port-au-Prince, Leogane, and 
Les Cayes were all shown to be opposed to the decree. The two 
lists giving these facts were published in pamphlet form and dis- 
tributed at the domicile of each member of the National Assem- 
bly. 27 Thus the way was paved for the repeal of the decree. 

In the report, which was made on September 23, Barnave said 
in substance: When the spirit of revolution reached our distant 
possessions, a spontaneous movement 'began for the destruction of 
the Ancien Regime and the formation of a representative govern- 
ment. The National Assembly at length had to interfere and draft 

25 Ibid., 237-239. 

26 Proces-verbal, no. 759, pp. 14-15. 

'''Deliberation des Quatre Comites reiinis de Constitution, de Marine, 
d' Agriculture & de Commerce & des Colonies. Du 12 Septembre 1791 
(Paris, s. d.). 



i 3 o TUB FRENCH COLONIAL QUESTION 

for the colonies an Instruction. The administration of the Eng- 
lish colonies served as a model. The English Parliament makes 
all the laws of the exterior regime, that is, the laws which con- 
cern the maritime commerce and the military defense of the colon- 
ies ; but a legislative assembly in each colony makes the laws of 
the interior regime, and these laws may be enforced for a year be- 
fore they are submitted to the King for sanction. Thus from one 
point of view, the English colonies are subject states because their 
laws are made for them by a legislative body in which they have 
no representatives ; but from another point of view, they are 
co-ordinate states because their laws are made by themselves in 
their own local assemblies. The link that binds the colonies to 
England is the King. He appoints the colonial judges and the 
members of the upper houses of the colonial assemblies. If we 
could have found such a link in our King, we might have adopted 
the English system without modification ; but the King of the 
French can not appoint judges, and there are in our colonies no 
upper houses. What then did we do in our Instruction ? We per- 
mitted the colonies to make the laws of the interior regime and to 
execute them provisionally, pending the approval of the national 
legislature and the sanction of the King ; but we kept the laws of 
the exterior regime entirely within the competence of the national 
legislature, except that in times of dearth the colonial assemblies 
were given the privilege of making laws relative to the introduc- 
tion of food stuff and executing them provisionally, as in the 
case of the interior regime. The colonies, however, were given 
representatives in the national legislature and thus bound solidly 
to the mother country. 

This solution of the problem the colonists found satisfactory in 
all points save one : they feared the national legislature might not 
refrain from making laws relative to the status of persons in the 



DECISION REVERSED 131 

colonies. Accordingly, the colonies were given a solemn promise 
in this regard. "This promise repeated in several decrees was the 
basis of our system. At the beginning of last May, the committee 
proposed to convert it into a constitutional decree. * * * You 
remember what the result was: how adopting our recommenda- 
tion upon one point, that is, slavery, you rejected it upon the other, 
and adopted against our advice the decree of May 15. Thereafter 
the policy which we proposed and which, after so many troubles 
and misfortunes, would have terminated all the colonial dissen- 
sions, could not be put into effect. The second Instruction was not 
converted into a formal decree, as we desired ; but was sent to the 
colonies as a simple memorandum." This breach of faith has de- 
stroyed the confidence of the colonies in the National Assembly. 
Fearing that another decree will free their slaves, they have all 
joined the party of the assembly of Saint Marc and adopted for 
their party platform the "Constitutional Bases" of May 28. They 
are all determined now to make all the laws of the interior regime 
and execute them with no other sanction than that of the King ; 
and they are determined that the laws of the exterior regime shall 
not be enforced in the colonies until the colonial assemblies have 
given their consent thereto. This change in the attitude of the 
colonists has necessitated a corresponding change in our manner 
of dealing with the problem. We must adopt compromise meas- 
ures. We must declare positively, on the one hand, that the laws 
of the exterior regime shall remain entirely within the competence 
of the national legislature ; but, on the other, we must repeal the 
decree of May 15 and permit the colonies to make all laws relative 
to the status of persons and execute them provisionally under the 
direct sanction of the King. Therefore your committee recom- 
mends the adoption of the following decree : 

"The National Assembly wishing, before terminating its work, 
to guarantee positively the internal peace of the colonies and the 



1 32 THE FRENCH COLONIAL QUESTION 

advantages which France derives from these important posses- 
sions, decrees the following constitutional articles : 

Art. i. — The national legislative assembly will have the ex- 
clusive right, under the sanction of the King, to make the laws of 
the exterior regime of the colonies. In consequence, it will make 
( i ) the laws concerning the commercial relations of the colonies, 
the provisions for the enforcement of these laws by means of sur- 
veillance, prosecution, judgment and punishment of contraven- 
tions, and the laws which guarantee the engagements between 
the French merchants and the inhabitants of the colonies ; (2) the 
laws concerning the defense of the colonies, that is, concerning the 
military and administrative provisions for war by land and sea. 

Art. II. — The colonial assemblies can make upon these subjects 
demands and representations; but these will be considered only 
as simple petitions and can not be converted in the colonies into 
provisional laws, except that in times of pressing need a resolution 
of a colonial assembly, when approved by the Governor, may open 
the ports temporarily and extraordinarily for the introduction of 
food stuff". 

Art. III. — The laws concerning the status of persons not 
free and the political status of mulattoes and free blacks as well 
as the regulations for the execution of these laws, shall be made 
by the colonial assemblies and executed provisionally, with the 
sanction of the Governors of the colonies, pending the direct sanc- 
tion of the King ; and no previous decree can hinder the full exer- 
cise of the right conferred on the colonial assemblies by the pres- 
ent decree. 

Art. IV. — As to the formalities to be followed in making the 
laws of the interior regime which concern the status of persons 
designated in the above article, they shall be determined by the na- 
tional legislative power, as well as the rest of the organization of 



29 



DECISION REVERSED 133 

the colonies, after having received the will which the colonial as- 
semblies have been authorized to express relative to their constitu- 
tions. 

"I observe, gentlemen," said Barnave in conclusion, "that 
though the National Assembly has finished its work on the Con- 
stitution and can make no change in that, yet it can still enact con- 
stitutional laws in regard to the colonies, because the decree of 
March 8, 1790, declares distinctly that the colonies are not com- 
prehended in the constitution drafted for the kingdom." 28 

When Barnave had finished, a long, tiresome discussion fol- 
lowed in which the old arguments were repeated in all their full- 
ness of detail. At the close of the day's session, a motion to lay 
the report on the table and leave the colonial problem for the Leg 
islative Assembly to solve was defeated by a vote of 191 to 307 
So the discussion was resumed on the following day and, though 
substitutes and amendments were offered, the decree as proposed 
by Barnave was adopted. The third article was slightly amended, 
but its original meaning remained unchanged. 30 

Thus ended the work of the Constituent Assembly in regard 
to the French colonies in the West Indies. The original griev- 
ances of the colonists had been attributed to arbitrary government, 
color distinctions, and the navigation laws. How to redress these 
grievances in accordance with the principles of the Revolution 
and preserve at the same time the colonial prosperity of France 
was the problem to be solved. The task was undertaken by the 
Left Center, that group of deputies which more nearly than any 
other directed the entire work of the Constituent Assembly. The 
policy was outlined in the decree of March 8, 1790, and, except 
for one brief period when the Extreme Left seized control, was 

28 Journal des Etats-gmeraux, XXXIV. 226-244. 

29 Ibid., 254. Proces-verbal, no. 775, PP- 21-23. 

30 Proces-verbal, no. 776, pp. 15-20. 



i 3 4 THB FRENCH COLONIAL QUESTION 

consistently followed. Arbitrary government was abolished as 
a matter of course and the people were instructed to elect their 
own representatives, but who exactly should have the right to 
vote was not made clear. The committee on colonies determined 
to leave the decision of that question to the colonists themselves, 
which was tantamount in the last analysis to enfranchisement of 
the white planters only. Advocates of the strict interpretation 
of the Declaration of the Rights of Man insisted that the suffrage 
be granted specifically to the mulattoes but failed in the end to 
obtain their desires. Color distinctions were not abolished. 
Neither was slavery nor the slave trade. Modification of the 
navigation laws was contemplated and a plan adopted whereby 
the national legislature could mediate between the French mer- 
chants and the colonists, but this plan though feasible was never 
tried, owing to the confusion of the times. On the whole, the 
policy was to establish a decentralized administration for the 
French empire. The colonies were to enjoy local autonomy and 
send representatives to an imperial parliament, but the King was 
to sanction all laws and appoint Governors to exercise nominal 
authority. The colonists were not to legislate concerning matters 
of imperial interests, 'but could always express their will through 
petitions. To say that this plan was faulty is to judge hastily. 
The fault was with the French people, who were inexperienced in 
self-government. Moreover, the spirit of revolution was in the 
air and nothing short of absolute liberty and equality would satisfy 
the radicals who sat in the Legislative Assembly and the Conven- 
tion. The mulattoes were consequently enfranchised by the Legis- 
lative Assembly and the slaves freed by the Convention. Then 
the blacks in Santo Domingo exterminated the whites and estab- 
lished the independent State of Haiti. The fact that the other 
colonies of the West Indies were not lost in the same way was 
due probably to their small servile population. 



Bibliography 

The principal sources for this study in parliamentary history are 
the official minutes of the National Assembly which were published 
from day to day, the reports of committees published by order of 
the National Assembly, the newspaper reports of the debates in 
the National Assembly, the petitions and representations to the Na- 
tional Assembly published either privately or officially, the corre- 
spondence of deputies and constituents which not infrequently 
found its way into print, and the pamphlets, usually of a contro- 
versial nature, which appeared in great numbers. Thanks to the 
activity of the printing press during the period little material perti- 
nent to the present study remains in manuscript. The minutes of 
the committee on colonies which would be an invaluable source of 
information and which M. Armand Brette claims to have seen 
some twenty years ago (La Revolution francaise, XXIX, 326) 
can not now be found, though an official search for them has re- 
cently been made. Private correspondence in manuscript is not 
altogether lacking, but the yield from this source promised to be 
so meager that it has been all tout neglected. 

I. Manuscripts 

Archives Nationales. — Series Dxxv. 85-90. "Papers of the 
Massiac Club, 1789-1792." Carton 85 contains five copies of the 
minutes of the Club, and also private correspondence. The re- 
maining cartons contain correspondence and extracts from the 
minutes of the Club. Only here and there was it possible to glean 
a few facts bearing on questions under consideration in the Na- 
tional Assembly. 



136 BIBLIOGRAPHY 

II. Official and Semi-OfUcial Documents. 

Minutes, petitions, committee reports, official correspondence, 
etc. 

Adresse a I'Assemblee nationale, des Citoyens de Couleur, reunis 
a Paris, sous le Titre de Colons americains. Du 5 juillet 1790 
(s. I. n. d.) 16 pages. Tells how the mulattoes in France were cut 
off from all communication with the colonies. Signed by ten 
mulattoes. 

Adresse a V Assemble e nationale, pour V Abolition de la Traite 
des Noirs. Par la Societe des Amis des Noirs. Fevrier 1790 
(Paris, 1790). 22 pages. Printed by order of the Society. Signed 
by Brissot de Warville, President ; Le Page, Secretary. 

Adresse aux Amis de I'Humanite; par la Societe des Amis des 
Noirs, sur le Plan de ses Travaux. L,ue au Comite, le 4 juin 1790, 
et imprimee par son ordre (Paris, s. d.) 4 pages. Plans for a great 
number of publications, and friends are asked to contribute money. 
Signed by Petion de Villeneuve, President ; Brissot de Warville, 
Secretary. 

Adresse de I'Assemblee generate de la Partie francaise de 
Saint-Domingue a I'Assemblee nationale (Paris, j. d.). 8 pages. 
Privately printed. Read to the National Assembly on October 4, 
1790, and denounced by Barnave as insolent. 

Adresse de I'Assemblee provinciate de la Partie du Nord de 
Saint-Domingue, a I'Assemblee nationale (Paris, 1790). 23 pages. 
Read to the National Assembly on September 4, 1790, by Gouy 
d'Arsy, and referred to the committee on colonies. Especially valu- 
able as showing the sentiments of the colonists concerning the en- 
franchisement of the mulattoes, the emancipation of the slaves, 
and the navigation laws. 

Adresse de la Societe des Amis de Noirs, a I'Assemblee nation- 
ale^ toutes lesVilles de Commerce, a toutes les Manufactures, aux 



BIBLIOGRAPHY I37 

Colonies, a toutes les Societes des Amis de la Constitution. Printed 
in the Courier de Provence, XIV. 289-445, April 26, 1791. Signed 
by F.Petion, President ; J. P. Brissot, Secretary. The policy of the 
Amis des Noirs in regard to slavery, the mulattoes, the slave trade, 
and the navigation laws. 

Adresse de la Societe des Amis des Noirs, a I'Assemblee na- 
tionale, a toutes les Villes de Commerce, a toutes les Manufactures, 
aux Colonies, a toutes les Societes des Amis de la Constitution; 
Adresse dans laguelle on approfondit les Relations politiques et 
commer dales entre la Metropole et les Colonies, etc. (By Cla- 
viere. Second Edition, Paris, 10 July, 1791). Pp. xxviii, 318. 
Contains among other things the Lettres de diverse s Societes des 
Amis de la Constitution, qui reclament les Droits de Citoyen actif 
en Faveur des Hommes de Couleur des Colonies. 

Adresse de la Societe des Amis des Noirs, etablie a Paris (s. I. 
n. d.). Reprinted in Archives parlementaires, XII. 627-628. No 
evidence that this address was ever read to the National Assembly. 

Adresse des Citoyens de Couleur des Isles & Colonies fran- 
gaises; a I'Assemblee generale des Representans de la Commune 
de Paris; prononcee, le premier fevrier 1790, par M. de Joly, 
Avocat aux Conseils, l'un des Representans de la Commune, * * * 
(s. I. n. d.). Pp. iii, 15. Signed by de Joly and six mulattoes. 
An appeal to the commune for assistance. 

Adresse des Membres de I'Assemblee provinciale du Nord de 
Saint-Domingue, a I'Assemblee nationale, seante a Paris. (Paris, 
1790). 7 pages. Printed by order of the National Assembly. 
Written at Cap Ffangais, August 15, 1790. Denounces the irreg- 
ular conduct of the assembly of Saint Marc. 

Adresse prononcee a I'Assemblee nationale, Seance du 50 
Septembre, au Soir, par les Deputes des Paroisses du Port-au- 
Prince et de la Croix-des-Bouquets. (Paris, 1790). 48 pages. 



138 BIBLIOGRAPHY 

Printed by order of the Nat. Ass. Denounces the irregular con- 
duct of the assembly of Saint Marc. 

Adresses de I'Assemblee prozinciale du Nord de Saint-Domin- 
gue, du 15 juillet 1791, a I'Assemblee rationale, au Roi, awe 83 
Dcpartements, et au Directoire du Departement de la Gironde, sur 
le Decret du 15 Mai, en Faveur des Hommes de Couleur libres 
des Colonies. (Paris, 1791). 29 pages. 

Les Americains reunis a Paris, & ci-devant composant I'As- 
semblee generate de la Partie francaise de Saint-Domingue, a V As- 
semble e nationale. (Paris, 1791). 7 pages. Printed by order of 
the Nat. Ass. A recantation of political heresies, signed by forty- 
seven of the Eighty-five who escaped from Santo Domingo on 
the Leopard. Read to the Nat. Ass. on April 25, 1791, by Bar- 
nave. 

V Assemble e generale de la Partie francaise de Saint-Domin- 
gue, aiLv Representants de la Nation (Paris, 1790) . 8 pages. Not 
read to the Nat. Ass. Privately printed and distributed. 

Cahier, contenant les Plaint es, Doleances & Reclamations des 
Citoyens-libres & proprietaires de Couleur, des Isles & Colonies 
franchises. Redige & In dans les assemblies des 3, 8, 12, & 22 
Septembre, 1789 (s. I. n. d.). 15 pages. Grievances mentioned 
in detail. Thirty articles in the cahier. 

Collection de Memoir es et Correspondances officielles sur V Ad- 
ministration des Colonies, et notamment sur la Guiane francaise 
et hollandaise, par V. P. Malouet, ancien Administrateur des 
Colonies et de la Marine (Paris, An X). 5 vols. Volume IV has 
this sub-title : Collection de Memoires sur les Colonies. 

Collection des Adresses et Petitions des Citoyens-C ommerqants 
de la Ville de Nantes, et des Deputes extraordinaires du Com- 
merce, sur les Affaires des Colonies (Nantes, 1791). 49 pages. 



BIBLIOGRAPHY 139 

Condnite de M. de Santo Domingo, Commandant le Vaisseau 
le Leopard, lue par lui-mcme a l : 'Assemble e nationale, le 7 Octobre 
1790 (s. I. n. d.). Defends himself for superseding to command 
when the crew mutinied. 

Copie de la Lettre ecrite par MM. les Commissaires du Roi, 
destines a passer a Saint-Domingue, a M. Thez'enard, Ministre 
de la Marine, datee de Paris le 26 juillet 179 1 (s. I. n. d.). 2 
pages in quarto. Refusal to depart for Santo Domingo. 

Copies exactes des Lettres adressees au President de I 'As- 
semble nationale, par les Deputes des Colonies (s. I. n. d.) 3 
pages in quarto. Deputies for the West Indies give notice that 
they will abstain from the sessions of the Nat. Ass. 

Correspondance de M. le General avec I'Asseniblee gencrale 
de la Partie francaise de Saint-Domingue (Bordeaux, 1790). 30 
pages. Contains also extracts of official minutes. 

Decret de VAssemblce generale de la Partie francaise de Saint- 
Domingue, rendu a VUnanimite du 28 Mai 1790 (s. I., 1790). 26 
pages. Contains several extracts of the minutes of the assembly 
of Saint Marc. 

Decrets de V Assemblee nationale concernant les Colonies; 
suivis d'une Instruction pour les Isles de Saint-Domingue, la 
Tortue, la Gonave et l'Isle-a-Vaches. Du 8 mars 1790. (Paris, 
I 79 )- 3 2 pages. Printed by order of the Nat. Ass. Contains 
the decree of March 8, 1790, and the entire report made by Bar- 
nave on March 23, 1790. 

Deliberation des Quatre Comitcs reunis de Constitution, de 
Marine, d' Agriculture & de Commerce & des Colonies. Du 12 
septembre 1791 (Paris, s. d.). 31 pages. Contains expressions 
of opinions for and against the decree of May 15, 1791. 

Dcpcches de M. le Comte de la Luzerne, Ministre de la Ma- 
rine, aux Administrateurs de Saint-Domingue (Cap Franqais, 



140 



BIBLIOGRAPHY 



1789). 13 pages. Contains a personal letter and an official dis- 
patch, both dated September 27, 1789. On the first page of the 
pamphlet are comments which point out the perfidy of the 
Minister. 

Derniers Observations des Citoyens de Couleur des Isles et 
Colonies francaises. Du 27 novembre 1789 (s. I. n. d.) 19 pages. 
Argumentative. Privately printed. 

Disc ours des Deputes de la Mumicipalite de Saint-Pierre, Isle 
Martinique, prononce, le 31 Juillet au Soir, a la Barre de V As- 
semble e nationale, par M. Armand Decorio, I'un dfeux. (s. I. n. d.) 
8 pages. 

Disc ours prononce a V Assemble e nationale, le 2 Octobre 1790, 
au Nom de V Assemblee generate de la Partie frangaise de Saint- 
Domingue (Paris, s. d.) 34 pages. Defensive. Privately printed. 

Discours prononce a I' Assemblee nationale par les Deputes de 
V Assemblee provinciale de la Partie du Nord de Saint-D omingue , 
le 25 Novembre 1J90 (Paris, 1790). 10 pages. Printed by order 
of the Nat. Ass. Expresses gratitude for the decree of October 
12, 1790. 

Bxtrait des Pieces justificative s a VAppui de la Denonciation 
faite a I' Assemblee nationale du- Comte de la Luzerne, Ministre 
d'Btat '& de la Marine, par le Comte de Gouy, Depute de Saint- 
Domingue, au Nom de la Deputation & de ses Commettans (s. I. 
n. d.). 141 pages. References to conditions in Santo Domingo 
before 1789. 

Bxtrait des Proces-verbaux de V Assemblee nationale, relative- 
ment a I'Btat des Personnes dans les Colonies. Sub-title : Bxpose 
des Motifs des Decrets des 13 & 15 Mai, sur I'Btat des Personnes 
dans les Colonies (Paris, 1791). 12 pages. Drafted by Dupont 
de Nemours, and revised, to accompany the decrees of May 13 
and 15, 1791. Printed by order of the Nat. Ass. 



BIBLIOGRAPHY 



141 



Extrait des Registres de Deliberations de la Commune de la 
Ville Saint-Pierre, Isle Martinique, du Dimanche 18 Avril (s. I. 
n. d.). 4 pages in quarto. Instructions given to MM. Ruste and 
Decorio, deputies for Saint-Pierre "auprcs de V Assemble e na- 
tionale!' 

Extrait des Registres de la Deputation de Saint-Domingue . 
Seance du 21 Decembre 1789 (Paris, 1789). 23 pages. Minutes 
of a joint meeting of all the deputies from the West Indies. 

Extrait du Proces-verbal de V Assemblee des Citoyens — libres 
et proprietaires de Couleur des Isles et Colonies franqaises, con- 
stitute sous le Titre de Colons americains. Du 12 Septembre 
1789 (Paris, 1789). 16 pages. Privately printed. Beginning of 
the efforts made by the mulattoes to obtain a recognition of their 
rights as active citizens. Signed by de Joly, President ; Rolland- 
Audiger and Poizat, Secretaries. 

Extrait du Proces-verbal de V Assemblee des Colons ameri- 
cains. Du 22 Septembre 1789 (s. I. n. d.) 1 page. Signed by 
de Joly, President; Rolland-Audiger and Poizat, Secretaries. 
Agree to offer the state one-fourth of their revenues, estimated 
at 6,000,000, as a patriotic gift. 

Extrait du Proces-verbal de I' Assemblee generate des Citoyens 
libres-de-Couleur, des Isles & Colonies franqaises, constitutee 
sous le Titre de Colons americains. Du 31 Octobre 1789 (s. I. 
n.d.). 19 pages. Signed .as above. 

Extrait du Registre des Deliberations de la Chambre du 
Commerce de la Ville de Bordeaux; et Adr esses du Direct oire du 
Departement de la Gironde a I' Assemblee nationale; de la Societe 
des Amis de la Constitution; du Club du Cafe national de la Ville 
de Bordeaux, a V Assemblee nationale; relatifs an Dccret rendu 
par elle le 14 [sic] Mai 1791, au Sujet des Colonies (Paris, 1791). 



142 



BIBLIOGRAPHY 



20 pages. Printed by order of the Nat. Ass. Urges the enforce- 
ment of the decree of May 15, 1791. 

Bxtrait logographique de la Seance des Amis de la Constitu- 
tion de Paris, du Vendredi 10 Juin 1791 (Paris, .?. d.). 16 pages. 
In a stormy session, Gouy d'Arsy defends himself for abstaining 
from the sessions of the National Assembly. 

Instruction pour les Colonies francaises contenant un Projet 
de Constitution, presentee a I'Assemblee nation-ale, au Nom des 
Comites de Constitution, des Colonies, de la Marine, d' Agriculture 
et de Commerce (Paris, 1791). 74 pages. Barnave and the com- 
mittee on colonies spent four months drafting this Instruction. 
Read to the Nat. Ass. on June 14, 1791, by Defermon. Printed 
by order of the Nat. Ass. 

Instruction pour les Colonies, presentee a I'Assemblee na- 
tionale, au Nom du Comite charge de ce Travail, le 23 Mars 1790. 
Par M. Barnave, Depute du Dauphine (Paris, j. d.). 28 pages. 
Printed by order of the Nat. Ass. Outline of the policy of the 
committee on colonies. 

Instructions de I'Assemblee gcnerale coloniale de la Guade- 
loupe a ses Deputes de I'Assemblee nationale. Arrete en I'As- 
semblee generale coloniale le 22 Mars 1790. Reprinted in Ar- 
chives parlementaires, VI. 235. Shows attitude of the planters 
of Guadeloupe toward the mulatto question. 

Lettre bien importante de la Chambre d' Agriculture de Saint- 
Domingue, adressce aux Membres du Comite colonial, scant a 
Paris (s. I. n. d.) 16 pages. Privately printed. Contains a demand 
that the Administrators of Santo Domingo grant the colonists 
permission to elect deputies to the Estates General. Sent from 
Cap Francais, December 10, 1788. 

Lettre de I'Assemblee provinciale de la Partie du Nord de 
Saint-Domingue, a Messieurs du Comites de I'Ouest et du Sud, 



BIBLIOGRAPHY 143 

sur le Projet d'Ordonnance pour la Convocation d'une Assemblee 
generate de la Colonie, adresse par le Comte de la Luzerne, Min- 
istre de la Marine, aux Administrateurs, au Cap le 24 Decembre 
1789 (s. I., 1790). 33 pages. Signed by Larchevesque-Thibaud, 
Vice-President, and d'Augy. Points out the perfidy of the Min- 
ister of Marine. 

Lettre de M. de Gouy, Depute de Saint-Domingue, a I' As- 
semblee nationale (Paris, August 23, 1791). 7 pages. Reply to 
a denunciation of a letter attributed to him. 

Lettre de MM. de Gouy et de Reynaud, a V Assemblee na- 
tionale, a V Occasion de V "Evasion du Roi et de la Famille royale 
(Paris, 1791). 

Lettre des Citoyens de Coideur, a M. le President de V As- 
semblee nationale. Du PremierAout 1790 (Paris, .y. d.). 3 pages. 
Disapproves of the decree of May 28, adopted by the assembly of 
Saint Marc. Not read in the Nat. Ass. 

Lettre des Citoyens de Couleur, des Isles et Colonies frangaises, 
a MM. les Membres du Comite de Verification de V Assemblee 
nationale. Du 23 Novembre 1789 (Paris, .y. d,). 24 pages. Con- 
tends that, if the election of the white deputies was valid, the 
election of the mulatto deputies was also valid. 

Lettre des Commissaires de la Colonie de Saint-Domingue, a 
MM. les Notables (s. I. n. d.). 7 pages. Relative to a colonial 
representation in the Estates General. 

Lettre des Commissaires de la Colonie de Saint-Domingue, au 
Roi (Paris, s. d.). 8 pages. Petition for a colonial representation 
in the Estates General. Signed by nine colonial proprietors, or 
commissioners. Submitted to the Minister of Marine on Sep- 
tember 4, 1788. 

Lettre des Deputes de la Province du Nord de Saint-Domin- 
gue, a Messieurs les Citoyens des Districts du Port-au-Prince; 



144 



BIBLIOGRAPHY 



imprimee par ordre de l'Assemblee nationale. Seance du 13 Oc- 
tober, 1790 (Paris, .9. d.). 6 pages. 

Lettre des Deputes de Saint-Domingue a ses Commettans, en 
Date du 12 A out ij8g (Paris, 1790). 8 pages. Reflects the 
alarm of the colonial deputies in regard to the course of the Revo- 
lution. Published by the colonial deputation only after Mirabeau 
and Raymond had published it. 

Lettre du Comite colonial de France, au Comite colonial de 
Saint-Domingue ; * * * (Paris, 1788). 135 pages. Traces in 
detail the first efforts of the colonists to obtain a representation 
in the Estates General. Signed by Gouy d'Arsy and eight other 
proprietors. Probably sent to Santo Domingo as a pamphlet. 

Lettre du Citoyen Larchevesque-Thibaud, ancien Procureur de 
la Commune du Cap Francois, aux Comites de Marine & des 
Colonies de la Convention nationale, reunis (Paris, 1793). 82 
pages. Defends his political career after 1788. Interesting ref- 
erences to colonial conditions. 

Lettre ecrite a M. le Comte de Peynier, Generale de Saint- 
Domingue, par l'Assemblee provinciale de la Partie du Nord 
(Cap Frangais, 1789). 5 pages. Signed by Bacon de la Cheva- 
lerie, President. Read to the Nat. Ass. on March 2, 1790. 

Lettre ecrite par MM. les Deputes extraordinaires de l'As- 
semblee provinciale du Nord de Saint-Domingue, a MM. les 
Colons reunis a I' Hotel de Massiac (Paris, 1791). 7 pages in 
folio. 

Liste des Proprietaires de Biens situes dans les Colonies, * * * 
(Paris, .9. d.). 48 pages in quarto. Official list of colonists who 
certify that they have resided continuously in France from May 
9, 1792, to 15 Thermidor of the Year Four. Names arranged 
in alphabetical order. 



BIBLIOGRAPHY 145 

Memoir e envoye le 18 Juin 1790, au Comite des Rapports de 
VAssemblee nationale, par M. de la Luzerne, Ministre & Secre- 
taire d'Etat (Paris, 1790). 117 pages in quarto. References to col- 
onies before 1789. 

Memoir e instructif, adresse aux Notables, sur le Regime et 
V Importance de la Colonie de Saint-Domingue (s. I. n. d.) 47 
pages. Argument in favor of a colonial representation in the 
Estates General. Signed by Gouy d'Arsy and eight others. 

Memoire sur les Causes des Troubles et des Desastres de la 
Colonie de Saint Domingue, presente aux Comites de Marine et 
des Colonies, dans les premiers Jours de Juin dernier, par les 
Citoyens de Couleur; * * * (Paris, 1793). 66 pages. Written 
by Julien Raymond, a mulatto. Traces the troubles to race 
prejudice. Partisan. 

Motion de M. de Curt, Depute de la Guadeloupe, au Nom des 
Colonies reunis (Paris, 1789). 15 pages. First motion made for 
the appointment of a committee to deal with the colonies, No- 
vember 26, 1789. 

Petition nouvelle des Citoyens de Couleur des lies frangaises 
a VAssemblee nationale; * * * (Paris, 1791). Pp. xii, 19. Ex- 
plains that whites have schemed to defeat the efforts of mulattoes. 
Not read to National Assembly. Privately published. Dated 
March 18, 1791. 

Pieces justiiicatives des Faits enonces dans le Memoire de M. 
le Comte de la Luzerne, Ministre et Secretaire d'Etat de la Marine 
(Paris, 1790). 84 pages in quarto. References to colonies be- 
fore 1789. 

Precis remis par M. le Marquis de Gouy d'Arsy, aux Commis- 
saires auxqueis VAssemblee nationale a renvoye I'Examen de la 
Demande faite par les Representans de la Colonie, pour obtenir 



146 BIBLIOGRAPHY 

provisoirement la Liberte de se procurer des Parines, dont elle 
manque absolument (Versailles, ^. d.). 12 pages. 

Precis sur la Position actuelle de la Deputation de Saint- 
Domingue, aux Btats-generaux (Versailles, 1789). Argument for 
a colonial representation in Estates General. 

Premiere Dcnonciation solemnelle d'un Ministre faite a V As- 
semble enationale, en la Personne du Comte de La Luzerne, Min- 
istre d'Btat, de la Marine, et des Colonies; par le Comte de Gouy, 
* * * (Paris, 1790). 166 Pages. Privately printed. Refer- 
ences to conditions in Santo Domingo before 1789. 

Projet d' Instructions a remettre aux Deputes de Saint-Domin- 
gue, redige par leurs Commettans (s. I., 1789). 12 pages. 
Claims that, since the colony is not a part of France, it must be 
considered a Franco-American province. This projet looks like a 
fabrication, perhaps drafted by Gouy d'Arsy in Paris. 

Proces-verbal de V Assemble e nationale (A Paris, chez Bau- 
douin, Imprimeur de l'Assemblee nationale, rue du Foin-St- 
Jacques, No. 31. 1789-1791). 782 numbers. These official min- 
utes were written by the Secretaries. Each number was read to 
the National Assembly and the errors were corrected. Brief but 
reliable. 

Proces-verbal des Seances des Deputes des Communes, depuis 
le 12 Juin 1789 jusqu 'au 17 Juin, Jour de la Constitution en 
Assemblee nationale (Paris, chez Baudouin, 1789). 104 pages. 
Official and reliable. 

Rapport fait a V Assemblee coloniale de la Guadeloupe, le 10 
Novembre iypo, au Nom de la Deputation envoyee a la Mar- 
tinique pour y etablir la Paix (Paris, s. d.). 90 pages. Excellent 
and trustworthy account of the Revolution in Martinique from 
October, 1789, to October, 1790. 



BIBLIOGRAPHY 



147 



Rapport fait a I'Assemblee nationale, au Nom du Comite des 
Colonies, concernant les Troubles arrives a la Guadeloupe; (Paris 
1792). 69 pages. References to early part of the Revolution in 
Guadeloupe. 

Rapport fait a I'Assemblee nationale, au Nom du Comite CO' 
lonial, sur les Troubles de la Martinique; par P. Gonyn, * * * 
le 2 Mai 1J92 (Paris, 1792). 133 pages. Excellent account of 
early troubles. 

Rapport fait a I'Assemblee nationale, le 8 Mars i?po, au Nom 
du Comite des Colonies, par M. Barnave, Depute du Dauphine 
(Paris, 1790). 22 pages. Outline of the policy adopted by the 
committee on colonies. Printed by order of the National As- 
sembly. 

Rapport fait a I'Assemblee nationale, sur les Colonies, au Nom 
des Comites de Constitution, de Marine, a™ Agriculture et de Com- 
merce & des Colonies, le 23 Septembre 1791, par M. Barnave 
(Paris, 1791). 12 pages. This report, though official, is only a 
reprint of part of the account given in Journal des Btats-generaux, 
XXXIV. 226-244. 

Rapport fait au Nom de la Section du Comite df Agriculture 
et de Commerce chargee par I'Assemblee nationale de I'Bxamen de 
la Reclamation des Deputes de Saint-Domingue, relative a VAp- 
provisionnement de I' Isle. Par M. Gillett de la Jaqueminiere 
(Paris, 1789). 56 pages. Not read to the National Assembly. 

Rapport fait au Nom des Comites reunis de Constitution, de 
la Marine, d' Agriculture et de Commerce, & des Colonies, a la 
Seance du 7 Mai 1J91 ; sur les Colonies. Par M. de Lattre, 
Depute du Departement de la Somme (Paris, 1791). 11 pages. 
Printed by order of the National Assembly. 

Rapport sur les Affaires de Saint-Domingue, fait a I'As- 
semblee nationale, au Nom du Comite des Colonies, les 11 & 12 



148 BIBLIOGRAPHY 

October, 1790. Par M. Barnave (Paris, 1790). 103 pages. 
Printed by order of the National Assembly. 

Rapport sur les Troubles de Saint-Domingue, fait au Nom de 
la Commission des Colonies, des Comites de Salut public, de 
Legislation et de Marine, reunis, par J. Ph. Garran, * * * (Paris, 
An VI), 4 vols. First two volumes deal with events of the years 
1 789- 1 79 1. Printed by order of the National Convention. Valu- 
able source. 

Recit des Seances des Deputes des Communes depuis le 5 
Mai 1789 jusqu 'au 12 Juin suivant. Reimpression avec un Aver- 
tissement par F.-A. Aulard (Paris, 1895). Pp. iv, 119. These 
minutes were compiled, by order of the National Assembly, from 
notes made by individual members. Valuable. 

Reclamation des Citoyens de Couleur des Isles & Colonies 
francaises; sur le Decret du 8 Mars 1790 * * * le 10 Mars 1790 
(Paris, 1790). 23 pages. Demands that personnes de couleur, 
or at least that toutes les personnes libres, sans exception, be 
specifically enfranchised. Privately printed. 

Reclamations des Negres libres, Colons americains (s. n. I. d.). 
3 pages. This reclamation appeared also in the Moniteur on 
November 29, 1789 (p. 22). Probably the work of Cocherel, 
who desired in this way to ridicule the mulattoes. 

Reglement a V Usage de V Assemble e nationale (s. I. n. d.) 16 
pages. Official. 

Reponse des Deputes des Manufactures et du Commerce de 
France a MM.- les Deputes de S.-Domingue, concemant I'Ap- 
provisionnement de cette Colonie (Versailles, J. d.) 20 pages, 

Reponse des Deputes des Manufactures et du Commerce de 
France, aux Motions de MM. de Cocherel & de Raynaud [sic], 
Deputes de Vlsle de St.-Domingue a VAssemblee nationale (Ver- 
sailles, 1789). 55 pages. 



BIBLIOGRAPHY 149 

Reponse succinte des Deputes de S.-Domingue, au Memoire 
des Commergants des Ports de Mer, Distribue dans les Bureaux 
de VAssembUe nationale, le 9 Octobre 1789 (Versailles, 1789). 
12 pages. 

Requite presentee aux Btats-generaux du Royaume, le 8 Juin 
1789, par les Deputes de la Colonie de Saint-Domingue (s. I. n. d.). 
7 pages. Signed by Gouy d'Arsy and nine others. 

Suite de la Correspondance de Monsieur le Gouvemeur Gene- 
ral (s. I. n. d.) 8 pages. Between Peynier and the provincial as- 
sembly at Cap Frangais. 

Supplique des Citoyens de Couleur des Isles et Colonies fran- 
caises, tendante a obtenir un Jugement. 30 Janvier 1790 (s. I. n. 
d.). 4 pages. Privately printed. 

Supplique et Petition des Citoyens de Couleur des Isles & Col- 
onies frangaises, sur la Motion faite le 27 Novembre 1789, par M. 
de Curt, Depute de la Guadeloupe, au Norn des Colonies reunies 
* * * Du 2 Decembre 1789 (s. I. n. d.). 21 pages. Not read to 
the National Assembly. Cites laws and ordinances which re- 
strict the rights and privileges of the mulattoes. 

III. Newspapers. 

Courier de Provence. 17 volumes. Started by Mirabeau on 
May 4, 1789. The first two numbers are entitled Btats-generaux. 
Then follow nineteen Lettres du Comte de Mirabem a ses Com- 
mettans. After which the title Courier de Provence is adopted. 
Valuable for debates, but biased in favor of the Amis des Noirs. 

Le Courrier de Versailles a Paris et de Paris a Versailles. 
Started on July 5, 1789, and ended on October 17, 1789. By 
Gorsas, citoyen de Paris. More valuable as an expression of the 
opinions of a radical politician than for statements of fact. 



i5o 



BIBLIOGRAPHY 



Gazette nationale, on le Moniteur universel. Paris, original 
edition, started on November 24, 1789, in folio. Commonly known 
as the Moniteur. Especially valuable for the debates after Feb- 
ruary 3, 1790. It also published important historical material in 
the form of news items. 

Gazette de Paris. Started on October 1, 1789, and ended on 
August 10, 1792. 6 volumes. Principal editor was de Rozoi, 
perhaps a member of the Massiac Club. Favors the policy of the 
colonial planters; published now and then important bits of cor- 
respondence. 

Journal des Debats et des Decrets. Versailles, and later Paris, 
chez Baudouin, Imprimeur de l'Assemblee nationale. Started on 
August 29, 1789. 862 numbers with separate pagination cover 
the period of the National Assembly. Valuable for debates. 

Journal des Btats-gcneraux, * * * redige par M. Le Hodey 
de Saultchevreuil. Paris, started on June 1, 1789. 35 volumes. 
The title of this newspaper was frequently changed or modified. 
The above is only the cover title, used for the sake of convenience. 
Gives the fullest and most reliable account of the debates. No 
news items and very few personal comments. 

Le Patriote francais, Journal libre, impartial et national, par 
une Societe des Citoyens, & dirige par J. P. Brissot de War- 
ville. . First number bears the date of July 28, 1789, and last 
number the date of June 2, 1793. After June 30, 1790, all the 
words are dropped from the title except Le Patriote francais. 8 
volumes in quarto. Contains news, correspondence, etc. Official 
organ of the Societe des Amis des Noirs. 

Le Point de Jour ou Resultat de ce qui s'est passe la Veille 
a l'Assemblee nationale. By Barere de Vieuzac. Started on June 
19, 1789, and ended on October 3, 1781. 815 numbers. Early 



BIBLIOGRAPHY 



151 



numbers especially good for the debates and references to the 
colonies. 

Precis de la Seance de l' Assemble e nationale. The first num- 
ber bears the title, Seance du 5 A out 1789. Other numbers ap- 
peared bearing the following dates: des 5 & 6 aout 1789; du 
7 juillet [aout] 1789; du 20 aout 1789; du 22 aout 1789, & 
seance du 23 ; du dimanche 23 aout, 7 heures du soir, et du lundi 
24 aout, 9 heures du matin; du lundi 24 aout 1789, 7 heures du 
soir; du mercredi 26 aout 1789; du jeudi 27 aout 1789; vendredi 
28 aout 1789 ; vendredi 28 aout, sept heures du soir. A Paris, 
chez Baudouin. When the Journal des Debats et des Decrets 
started on August 29, Baudouin discontinued the publication of 
the Precis. 

IV. Pamphlets. 

Printed correspondence, personal memoirs, and controversial 
literature. 

Aux Ennemis de I' Imposture (Paris, 1791). 3 pages. By 
Gouy d'Arsy. Denies that his correspondence has caused troubles 
in Santo Domingo. 

Confession d'un Depute dans ses derniers Momens, ou Liste 
des Peches politiques de Louis-Marthe-de Gouy (Paris, 1791). 
18 pages. References to colonial affairs. 

Confession generale faite au Public par VAuteur du Mot a 
V Oreille (s. I. n. d.). 24 pages. Sarcastic comments on the cor- 
rupt administration of Santo Domingo. 

Considerations presentees aux vrais Amis du Repos et du 
Bonheur de la France, a V Occasion des nouveaux Mouvemens de 
quelques soi-disant Amis-des-Noirs. Par M. L. E. Moreau de 
Saint- Mery, depute de la Martinique a 1' Assembled nationale. 
Premier Mars mil sept cent quatre-vingt-onze (Paris, 1791). 74 
pages. Attributes colonial ills to the Amis des Noirs. The first 



1 5 2 BIBLIOGRAPHY 

twenty-eight pages are narrative ; the rest is argumentative. The 
author was well informed but prejudiced. 

Correspondance de Julien Raimond, avec ses Freres, de Saint- 
Domingue, et les Pieces, qui lui Adressees par eux (Paris 
An Deuxieme). 136 pages in quarto. Contains copies of letters 
written to Raymond and by Raymond, as well as other letters. 
In date the letters range from October 1, 1789, to March 29, 1793. 

Correspondance de Thomas Lindet pendant la Constituante et 
la Legislative (1789-1792. Publiee par Armand Moutier (Paris, 
1899) . Pp. xvi, 393. Comments on colonial questions. 

Correspondance inedite du Constituant Thibaudeau (1789- 
1791). Publiee par Henri Carre et P. Boissonnade (Paris, 1898). 
Pp. xxxi, 214. A few references to colonies. 

Correspondance secrete des Deputes de Saint-D omingue avec 
les Comites de cette Isle (Paris, l'An de la Liberte Ier). 53 pages. 
Collected and printed by an opponent of the colonial deputies ; but 
cseems authentic and trustworthy. 

Denonciation de M. de I' Abbe Gregoire, et de sa Lettre du 8 
Juin 1791, adressee aux Citoyens de Couleur & Negres litres de 
Saint-D omingue, & des autre s Isles francaises de I'Amerique, &c, 
(Paris, 1 791). 50 pages. Reprints Gregoire's letter and makes 
running comments on it. 

Discours sur la Necessite d'etablir a Paris une Societe pour 
concourir, avec cette de Londres, a I' Abolition de la Trait e & de 
I' Bsc lavage des Negres. Prononce le 19 fevrier 1788, dans une 
societe de quelques amis, rassembles a Paris, a la priere du comite 
de Londres (s. I. n. d.). 32 pages. Tells what the abolition societ- 
ies were already doing in Pennsylvania and London, and outlines 
a policy to be followed in Paris. 

Discours sur la Necessite de maintenir le Decret rendu le 15 
Mai 1791, en Faveur des Hommes de Couleur libres, pronounce le 



BIBLIOGRAPHY 



153 



12 septembre 1791, a la seance de la Societe des Amis de la Con- 
stitution, seante aux Jacobins ( s. 1. n. d.)._2& pages. By Brissot de 
Warville. 

Discours swr les Troubles de Saint-Domingue. (Reprinted in 
Courier de Provence, XI. Bound under separate pagination at 
end of volume). 44 pages. By Petion. Not delivered in the Nat. 
Ass. Opposed to decree of October 12, 1790. 

Diverses Pieces redigees et publiees par M. de Gouy, pendant 
le Terns que les Deputes des Colonies se sont abstenus des Seances 
de I'Assemblee nationale (s. I. n. d.). Contains three private 
letters. 

Bxtrait d'une Leitre de Saint-Domingue. Du premier juin 
1789 (s. I. n. d.). Drought in Santo Domingo. 

Bxtrait d'une Lettre privee, ecrite le so Mars 1790, par M. de 
Gouy, Representant de Saint-Domingue a M. UArcheveque 
Thibaut alors resident dans la Colonie, au Sujet du Decret de 
I' Assemble nationale du 8 Mars. 1790, et de I 'Instruction du 28 
dudit Mois (s. I. n. d.). 4 pages. Advises opposition to the en- 
forcement of the decrees. Denounced twice in the Nat. Ass., Sep- 
tember 20, 1790, and April 5, 1791. 

Faits et Idees swr Saint-Domingue, relativement a la Revolu- 
tion actuelle (Paris, 1789). 40 pages in quarto. Written by a col- 
onist opposed to the Massiac Club. 

Faits relatifs aux Troubles de Saint-Domingue, present es au 
Comite Colonial, en Vertu d'un Decret de I'Assemblee nationale, 
par M. Bore, citoyen et planteur de Saint-Domingue (Paris, 1792). 
Sketch of personal experience in Santo Domingo during the years 
1789-1791. 

Gaidtier de Biausat, Depute du Tiers-Etat, aux Btats generaux 
de 1780. Sa Vie et sa Correspondance, par Francisque Mege 
(Paris, 1890). 2 vols. References in second volume to colonies. 



i 54 BIBLIOGRAPHY 

Le Genealogiste ameriquain, on la Revanche du Panflet, ayant 
pour titre : Reclamations des Negres litres, Colons ameriquains 
(s. I. n. d.). 8 pages. Points out that white Creoles may have 
negro blood in their veins ; the contrary can not be proved. 

Histoire des Troubles de S.-Domingue, depuis le Mois d'Octo- 
bre 1789, jusqu'au 16 Juillet 1J91, par M. Gatereau, citoyen du 
Cap Francais (Paris, 1792). 48 pages. Eye-witness of much of 
what he describes but a partisan of the mulattoes. 

An Historical Survey of the French Colony in the Island of 
St. Domingo: * * * in the Year 1791, * * * 1793? an d I 794> 
(In The History, Civil and Commercial, of the British West 
Indies. Fifth edition, London, 1819. Vol. III. 1-240.) By Bryan 
Edwards. Written from personal observation and documentary 
evidence. Edwards visited Santo Domingo in September, 1791. 

Journal d'Adrien Duquesnoy, Depute du Tiers-Btat de Bar- 
le-Dwc, sur V Assemblee constituante, 3 Mai 1789-3 Avril 1790. 
Publie * * * par Robert de Crevecoeur (Paris, 1894). 2 vols. 
Duquesnoy was sometimes mistaken and prejudiced, but his com- 
ments are frequently illuminating. He wrote under the impres- 
sion of the moment. 

Journal inedit de Jallet, Cure de Cherigne, Depute du Clerge 
du Poitou, aux Btats-gcnerau\x de 1789. Precede d'une notice 
historique par J.-J. Brethe (Fontenay-le-Comte, 1871). 166 pages. 
A few references to the colonial deputies. 

Lettre au Citoyen D***, Depute a la Convention nationale, par 
Julien Raymond, Colon de Saint-Domingue, sur I'Btat des divers 
Partis de cette Colonie, et sur le Car act ere des Deportes. (Paris, 
1793). 24 pages. Discusses decrees adopted by the Constituent 
Assembly. Raymond was a mulatto, educated and wealthy, resi- 
dent in France since 1784. His original purpose was to arouse 
public sentiment in favor of the mulattoes and to persuade the 



BIBLIOGRAPHY 155 

Minister of Marine to issue orders for the enforcement of the 
Black Code of 1685. In the years that followed his arrival, he 
published a number of pamphlets in which he traced the troubles 
in the colonies to the cruelty and the overbearing disposition of 
the whites. He was well informed, but prejudiced. 

Lettre aux Citoyens de Couleur et Negres libres de Saint- 
Domingue, et des metres Isles francaises de I'Amerique. Par M. 
Gregoire, depute a l'Assemblee nationale (Paris, 1791). 15 pages. 
A sort of pastoral letter to the mulattoes of the colonies on the 
decree of May 15, 1791. Written June 8, 1791. 

Lettre aux Philantropes, sur les Malheurs, les Droits et les 
Reclamations des Gens de Couleur de Saint-Domingue, et des 
autres lies francaises de I'Amerique; par M. Gregoire, Cure d'Em- 
bermenil, (Paris, 1790). 21 pages. Concerning the status of 
mulattoes in the colonies. But the information was not first hand. 
This Lettre was also published in Courier de Provence, XL 115- 
135, October 20-23, 1790. 

Letter beginning: A Paris le 14 fevrier 1791. Written to the 
cities of commerce by the six delegates from Cap Frangais and 
the five delegates from the parishes of Port-au-Prince and Croix- 
des-Bouquets. 6 pages in folio. Urges the cities to remonstrate 
with the Nat. Ass. against the enfranchisement of the mulattoes. 

Letter beginning: Frangais, la nation est en peril (s. I. n. d.). 
4 pages in quarto. Written by Payen de Boisneuf. 

Lettre de J. P. Brissot a M. Barnave, sur ses Rapports con- 
cernant les Colonies, les Decrets qui les ont suivis, lews Conse- 
quences fatales; * * * (Paris, 1790). 104 pages. Expository and 
argumentative. Long and tiresome. Brissot was the most con- 
spicuous member of the Societe des Amis des Noirs. 

Lettre de M. de Gouy a M. Desmeuniers, Depute a l'Assemblee 
nationale (Paris, 1791).. 



i 5 6 BIBLIOGRAPHY 

Lettre de M. de Thebaudieres, Depute de Saint-D omingue , a 
M. le Marquis d'Anssigne, Membre de I'Assemblee provinciate du 
Cap (s. I. n. d.). 8 pages. Written from Paris on January 28, 
1790. Replies to criticisms made at Cap Frangais of several 
colonial deputies at Paris. 

Lettre d'wn Citoyen, detenu pendant quatorze Mois et traduit 
an Tribunal revolutionnaire , au Citoyen C. B. * * *, Representant 
du Peuple, en Reponse sur une Question importante (Paris, An 
III). 12 pages. Written by Julien Raymond. A violent denun- 
ciation of the white planters as the instigators of the troubles in 
the colonies. 

Louis-Marthe-de Gouy, Depute a V Assemble e nationale, a ses 
Commettans (Paris, 1791). 46 pages. Gives valuable informa- 
tion concerning the debates of May 11-15, 1791. 

Memoir e de M. de Blanchelande, sur son Administration a 
Saint-D omingue (s. I. n. d.). 24 pages in quarto. Account of ad- 
ministration from November 8, 1790, to June 30, 1791. 

Memoire en Faveur des Gens de Couleur ou Sang-meles de St.- 
D omingue, et des autres Isles francaises de I'Amerique, adresse a 
I'Assemblee nationale. Par M. Gregoire, Cure d'Embermenil 
(Paris, 1789). 52 pages. The mulattoes are represented as quiet, 
law-abiding citizens who suffer grievous wrongs at the hands of 
the whites. As he refers to his speech of December 3 (p. 42), we 
infer that this pamphlet was written in December, 1789. 

Memoire et Observations dn Sieur Barbe-Marbois, Intendant 
des Isles-sous-le-V ent en 1786- 1789 * * * (Paris, 1790.) 58 
pages in quarto. Defends his administration. 

Memoire sur la Necessite dfunir de la Manniere la plus avan- 
tageuse les Interets des Colonies & du Commerce & celui des 
Colons & des Commergants; par M. Joubert du Collet, Juge en 
Chef du Consolat de Nantes (Nantes, 1790). 12 pages in quarto. 



BIBLIOGRAPHY 



157 



States clearly the points at issue in the controversy between the 
colonists and the merchants. 

Observations de M. Cockerel, Depute de Saint-Domingue, a 
VAssemblee nationale, sur la Demande des Mulatres (Paris, s. d.). 
12 pages. Published probably in January, 1790. Opposed to the 
admission of colored deputies. 

Observations de M. le Cte. de Reynaud, Depute de Saint- 
Domingue, sur quelques Articles du Pro jet d° Instruction presents 
par le Comite colonial des Douse, pour etre adresse aux Colonies 
avec le Decret du 8 Mars (Paris, 1790). 12 pages in quarto. A 
sort of minority report made in the Nat. Ass. by Reynaud. 

Observations sur VOrigine et les Progres du Prejuge des 
Colons blancs contre les Hommes de Couleur; * * * Par M. 
Raymond, homme de couleur de Saint-Domingue (Paris, 1791). 
Pp. viii, 46. Claims that race prejudice arose after 1763. 

Observations sur la Situation politique de Saint-Domingue. 
Par M. de Pons, habitant * * * (Paris, 1790). Pp. xvi, 101. De 
Pons was a member of the assembly of Saint Marc. This pamphlet 
is a treatise on the administration of Santo Domingo. 

Oeuvres de Barnave mises en Ordre et precedees d'une Notice 
historique sur Barnave, par M. Berenger de la Drome (Paris, 
1843). 4 vols. 

Opinion de M. Blin, Depute de Nantes, sur la Proposition faite 
par un de MM. les Deputes des Colonies reunis, d'etablir un 
Comite colonial, &c, (Paris, 1789). 11 pages. Delivered in the 
Nat. Ass. and printed by its order. 

Opinion de M. de Cockerel, Depute de S.-Domingue, sur 
I' Admission des Negres & Mulatres libres aux Assemblies pro- 
vinciates . Printed in the Moniteur (1 decembre 1789), 30. 

Opinion de M. le Marquis de Gouy d?Arsy, Depute de Saint- 
Domingue, sur le Retablissement du- Conseil-superieur du Cap, 



158 BIBLIOGRAPHY 

& sur le Renvoi de M. le Comte de la Luzerne, Ministre actuel de 
la Marine; prononcee a I'Assemblee nationale, au Nom de la 
Deputation de la Colonie (s. 1., 1790). 22 pages. References to 
colonial conditions. 

Precis des Gemissemens des Sang-meles dans les Colonies fran- 
gaises. Par J. M. C, Americain, sang-mele (Paris, 1789). 16 
pages. Tells of the humiliations suffered by mulattoes. 

Precis historique de la Revolution de Saint Domingue. Par 
L. J. Clausson, proprietaire, et ancien magistrat au Port-au-Prince 
(Paris, 1819). Pp. xii, 155. Tells the story from point of view of 
a white proprietor. 

Que ceux qui ont une dme lisent ceci (Au Cap, Isle Saint- 
Domingue, fevrier 1789.) 12 pages. Seems to have been original- 
ly a letter addressed to a colonist in France. Tells of the election 
of deputies to the Estates General. 

Reflexions de M. de Cockerel, Depute de Saint-D omingue, sur 
le Rapport du Comite des Six (Paris, s. d.). 16 pages. Claims that 
the committee of six appointed to investigate famine conditions 
in Santo Domingo was prejudiced and unfair to the colonists. 

Reflexions sommaires addressee a la Prance et a la Colonie de 
Saint-D omingue (Paris, ^. d.). 43 pages. By Laborie, habitant 
& secretaire de la Chambre d' Agriculture du Cap Frangais. Ref- 
erences to general conditions in Santo Domingo. 

Reflexions sur Y Admission, aux Btats-generaux, des Deputes 
de Saint-D omingue, par J. P. Brissot de Warville, membre de la 
Societe des Amis des Noirs de Paris, & membre honoraire des 
societes institutees pour rabolition de la traite & de l'esclavage des 
noirs a Philadelphie, a Newyorck, & a Londres (s. I. n. d.). 36 
pages. A fair and convincing argument. 

Relation authentique de tout ce qui s'est passe a Saint- 
Domingue avant et apres le Depart force de I'Assemblee coloniale, 



BIBLIOGRAPHY 159 

* * * (s.l.n.d.). Bears date of August 9, 1790. Gives a partis- 
an account of disturbances at Port-au-Prince and Saint Marc dur- 
ing July and August, 1790. Favors assembly of Saint Marc. 

Reponse aux Considerations de M. Moreau, dit Saint-Mery, 
Depute a VAssemblee nationale, sur les Colonies; par M. Raymond, 
Citoyen de Couleur de Saint-Domingue (Paris, I79 1 )- P P- «• 68 - 
Controversial. Troubles attributed to whites. 

Sur les Troubles des Colonies, et I'unique Moyen df assurer la 
Tranquillite, la Prosperity et la Fidelite de ces Dependances de 
V Umpire; * * * Par M. Dumorier (Paris, 1791). 60 pages. Con- 
tains two speeches of Dumorier in opposition to the policy of the 
Amis des Noirs. 

Un Mot a V Oreille (s. l.n.d.). 2 pages. Intimates that colonies 
might secede. Written perhaps by Gouy d'Arsy. 

Veritable Origine des Troubles de S.-Domingue, et des differ- 
entes Causes qui les out produits; par Julien Raimond, Depute des 
Citoyens de Couleur (Paris, An IV). 55 pages. Tells the story of 
the troubles during the years 1 789-1 791. Stoutly defends the 
mulattoes from complicity in the slave insurrection of 1791. The 
author holds a brief for the mulattoes. 

V. Secondary Works 

Boissonnade, P., Saint-Domingue a la Veille de la Revolution 
et la Question de la Representation coloniale aux Etats-genemux 
(Janvier 1788-7 Juillet 1789). Paris, 1906. 299 pages. 

Bradby, E. D., The Life of Barnave (Oxford, 1915)- Two 
volumes. Excellent chapters on the colonies. 

Brette, A., Les Gens de Couleur libres et leurs Deputes en 1789. 
In La Revolution francaise, XXIX. 326-345, 385-407. (1895). 

Bruley, Saint-Domingue et la Revolution francaise. In Revue 
de la Revolution, XIV. 66 et seq. (1889). Has little value. 



160 BIBLIOGRAPHY 

Cahen, Leon, La Societe des Amis des Noirs et Condorcet. 
In La Revolution frangaise, L. 481-51 1. (1906). Publishes by- 
laws of the Societe des Amis des Noirs and some writings of Con- 
dorcet on slavery. 

Castonnet des Fosses, H., La Perte d'une Colonie. La Revolu- 
tion de Saint-Domingue (Paris, 1893). Pp. vi, 377. 

Deschamps, Leon, Les Colonies pendant la Revolution. La 
Constituante et la Reforme coloniale (Paris, 1898). Pp. xxvi, 340. 
Full of typographical errors, inaccurate statistics, and misstate- 
ments of fact. 

Lebeau, Auguste, De la Condition des Gens de Couleur libres 
sous VAncien Regime (Poitiers, 1903). Pp. v. 133. Treats the 
subject from a legal point of view. Does not go beyond 1789. 

Mills, H. E., The Early Years of the French Revolution in 
San Domingo (Pbughkeepsie, New York, no date). 

Normand, Jean, Le Pacte Colonial (Paris, 1900). 174 pages. 
An exposition of the colonial system of the leading colonizing 
countries of Europe without reference to a specific period. 

Pardon, La Martinique depuis sa Decouverte jusqu'a nos 
Jours (Paris, 1877). 367 pages. 

Stoddard, T. Lothrop, The French Revolution in San Domingo 
(Boston and New York, 1914). Pp. xviii, 410. 

Vaissiere, Pierre de, Saint-Domingue. La Societe et la Vie 
Creoles sous VAncien Regime (1629-1789). Paris, 1909. 



INDEX 



Abbaye, 1', prison of, 127. 

Abbeyville, petition from, 94. 

Alquier, member of the committee 
on colonies, 46-47. 

Amis des Noirs, Societe des, founda- 
tion of, 5; commended in National 
Assembly, 13; begins propaganda 
in favor of mulattoes, 33 ; publishes 
long address, 97. 

Amis des Noirs, held in check, 18; 
21 ; not allowed to land in Santo 
Domingo, 23; denounced as auth- 
ors of colonial troubles, 30; search 
for, 36; denounced in National 
Assembly, 43; defeat of, 45; prop- 
aganda of to be destroyed, 50; dis- 
pleased with the draft decree of 
March 8, 51 ; are members of the 
National Assembly, 65; renewed 
activity of, 92; denounced by Ar- 
thur Dillon, 95; favored by public 
opinion, 96; protest of, 100; argu- 
ments of, 101 ; supported by radi- 
cal Jacobins, 102; are represented 
on a committee of revision, 109. 

Angers, Jacobin Club of, 96. 

Aries, l'Archeveque d', 47 n. 

Bacon de la Chevalerie, conduct of 
at Cap Francais, 37; writes to the 
Governor, 38. 

Barbe-Marbois, expelled from Santo 
Domingo, 37. 

Barere, editor, member of commit- 
tee on credentials, 12 n. 

Barnave, elected to committee on 
colonies, 47; chosen reporter, 48; 
sketch of, 48-49; makes report on 
March 8, 50; reads the Instruction, 



53 ; defends the provincial assem- 
bly of Cap Frangais, 69; denounces 
conduct of the Eighty-five, 70, 72; 
makes report, October 12, 73 ; 
makes report, November 29, 81 ; 
proposes a decree, 82; losing popu- 
larity, 83; speaks of a constitution 
for the East Indies, 84; makes re- 
port on the colonies, 86 ; makes a 
report, February 1, 1791, 87; re- 
fers to the Eighty-five, 90; desires 
the affair of the Eighty-five re- 
ferred, 91 ; criticised by Brissot, 
92-93; denied a hearing on the 
floor, 104; quoted, 117; defends 
his silence, 122; replies to Robes- 
pierre, 127; denounced, 128; moves 
the reconsideration of the decree 
of May 15, adopted, 129; makes 
report on colonies, September 23, 
1791, 129. 

Bastille, news of reaches Cap Fran- 
gais, 35 ; reaches Martinique, 40. 

Beam, disturbance in, 9. 

Begouen, member of committee on 
colonies, 46-47; his plea ridiculed, 
107; reads address from Havre, 
125; makes a list of addresses, 129. 

Beylie, deputy for possessions in 
India, admitted, 25 n. 

Black Code, 24. 

Blin, opposes de Curt's motion, 29- 
30; thanked by Massiac Club, 30; 
takes part in an altercation, 113. 

Bordeaux, merchants of write to 
Massaic Club, 23 ; petition from in 
regard to slavery, 32; neglects to 
petition, 94; Jacobin Club of sends 
address, 108. 



162 



INDEX 



Bouville, de, 47 n. 

Bressy, de, 47 n. 

Brest, the Eighty-five arrive at, 69; 
embarcation of commissioners at, 
86; ships in the harbor of, 114; 
deputies from, 126. 

Bretagne, disturbances in, 9. 

Brissot de Warville, motion of, 33; 
criticises Barnave, 92-93; denounc- 
ed by Barnave, 127. 

Brostaret, added to committee on 
colonies, 123. 

Cap Francois, starting point of move- 
ment, 6; word passed to, 9; an 
incident (October 23, 1789), 23 
news of Bastille reported at, 35 
conditions at (October, 1789), 36 
popular assembly meets at, 37 
Conseil Supcrieur restored at, 38 
dispatches for Governor arrive at, 
38; assembly of imitated, 39; as- 
sembly at continues in session, 59; 
decree of March 8 arrives at, 60; 
address from read by Gouy 
d'Arsy (September 4, 1790), 65; 
deputies from, 89; citizens united 
at, 120; opposed to decree of May 
15, 129. 

Castelanet, added to committee on 
colonies, 123 ; resigns, 124. 

Cayes, Les, assembly at dissolves, 59; 
opposed to decree of May 15, 129- 

Cazales, suppliant to committee on 
colonies, 47; desires to delay de- 
cree of May 15, 113. 

Cereste-Brancas, Due de, appointed 
on a colonial commission, 7 n. 

Chamber of Agriculture in Santo 
Domingo, 9-10. 

Chambre prevotale in Saint Pierre to 
try mulattoes, 79. 

Champagny, member of committee on 
colonies, 46-47. 



Chandernagore, location of, r; 115. 

Chapelier, Le, member of committee 
on colonies, 46-47; desires commis- 
sioners for Santo Domingo, 86-87; 
desires report of the associated 
committees, 114. 

Choiseul-Praslin, Due de, appointed 
on a colonial commission, 7 n. 

Cocherel, Chevalier, so-called deputy 
for Santo Domingo, 10 n. ; deputy 
for S. D., 16 n. ; demands opening 
of colonial ports, 21 ; opposes ap- 
pointment of committee on colo- 
nies, 44; opposed to service on 
committee, 45; absent from secret 
meeting, 48; opposed to the In- 
struction, 55 ; altercation with 
Gregoire, 56; resigns seat, 75 n. 

Commissioners, for Martinique, 82, 
86; for French Guiana and Santo 
Domingo, 87; depart for Martin- 
ique, 89; appointed, 89; resign, 
121-122; ordered to remain in 
France, 124. 

Committee, of six, report of, 21 ; on 
colonies, appointment of postponed, 
32; appointed, 45; increased by 
new members, 121 ; on reports, 43- 
44- 

Committees, four associated, make a 
report, 98; indifference of, 108; re- 
port of, 114-116. 

Conseil d'Etat, considers petition 
from Santo Domingo, 8; 17. 

Conseil Superieur, at Cap Frangais, 
7; restored, 38; at Port-au-Prince 
takes sides with the Governor, 38. 

Constitutional Bases, adoption of, 
61 : not a violation of decree of 
March 8, 62 ; arrive in France, 65 ; 
adopted as party platform, 131. 

Coquille, Robert, deputy for Guade- 
loupe, admitted, 25 n. 

Coromandel, coast of, 1. 



INDEX 



163 



Corpus Christi Day, riot in Martin- 
ique, 79. 

Courier de Provence, quoted, 92. 

Courrejolles, suppliant for Santo 
Domingo, 16 n. 

Croix-d'es-Bouquets, parish of sends 
deputies, 70; 89. 

Curt, de, admitted to National As- 
sembly, 25 n. ; motion for a com- 
mittee on colonies, 27-28; defeated, 
32. 

Damas, Governor of Martinique, 77. 
78;. restores order in Saint Pierre, 
79; confirms colonial assembly, 80; 
takes refuge at Gros Morne, 80; to 
be recalled, 86. 

Daugy, quoted, 105. 

Dauphine, disturbance in, 9. 

Decree of March 8, 1790, 52; arrives 
at Cap Franqais, 60; at Saint Marc, 
61 ; in Martinique, 78. 

Decree of October 12, 1790, adopted, 
76. 

Decree of November 29, 1790, pro- 
posed by Barnave, 82; adopted, 83. 

Decree of May 15, 1791, adopted, 
104; effect of in Santo Domingo, 
118-119; opposed in Santo Domin- 
go, 120; to be reconsidered, 129. 

Decree of June 15, 1791, adopted, 116. 

Decree of September 28, 1791, adopt- 
ed, 133. 

Defermon reads report of associated 
committees, 115- 116. 

Demeunier, quoted, 115. 

Deputies, for Santo Domingo, 10; 
twelve admitted provisionally, 12; 
their election challenged, 15 ; six 
admitted definitely, 16; collabor- 
ate with Massiac Club, 19; seven- 
teen colonial deputies admitted, 25 
n. ; colored, refused admission, 26- 
27 ; extraordinary of commerce 



and manufactures, appointed, 30 
n. ; address from, 43; colonial 
deputies withdraw from National 
Assembly, 105; deputies extra- 
ordinary refused a hearing, 107; 
colonial, return to their seats, 117. 
Dillon, Arthur, deputy for Martin- 
ique, 25 n., 56; instruction sent to, 
78; opposed to hearing mulattoes, 

95- 

Dinant, petition from, 94. 

Douge, Chevalier, member of a 
colonial commission, 7 n. ; so- 
called deputy for Santo Domingo, 
10 n. ; suppliant, 16 11. 

Dunkirk, petition from, 94. 

Dupont de Nemours, desires em- 
bargo, 106; drafts Expose, 106; 
exposes an intrigue, 112-113. 

Duport, Adrien, friend of Barnave, 
48; seeks delay, 115. 

Durget, 47 n. 

Eighty-five, the, sail for France, 64; 
arrive at Brest, 69; appear at the 
bar, 71; 89; letter from, 90; re- 
cantation of, 91 ; represented by 
Linguet, 91. 

Emmery helps revise the Expose of 
Motives, 109. 

Expose of Motives, adopted, 109; 
analysis of, 109-112. 

Ferme, la, crew of mutinies, 69. 

Fitz-Gerald, Bodkin, so-called deputy 
for Santo Domingo, 10-11 n. ; sup- 
pliant, 16 n. 

Fontenay, 47 n. 

Fort Royal, seat of government, 39; 
news of Bastille reaches, 40; in- 
dignation at, 40; popular assembly 
at, 40-41; 77-78; revolt of troops 
at, 80. 



164 



INDEX 



Foulon, takes sides with merchants, 
42; ordered to leave Martinique, 
80-81. 

Fourth of August, 17. 

Galbert, de, deputy for Guadeloupe, 
admitted, 25 n. 

Ganges, 1. 

Garesche, member of committee on 
colonies, 46-47; opposed to mulat- 
toes, 52. 

Gaschet de Lisle, 47 n. 

Gerard, deputy for Santo Domingo, 
16 n. ; member of committee on 
colonies, 46; quoted, 52; dissatis- 
fied with decree of October 12, 
75 n. 

Gironde, departement of sends ad- 
dress, 107-108; does half the com- 
merce of France, 108. 

Goree, location of, 1. 

Goupil-Prefelne, helps revise Expose, 
109. 

Gouy d'Arsy, Secretary-Reporter of 
colonial commission, 7; so-called 
deputy for Santo Domingo, 10 n. ; 
asks Secretary to call names of 
colonial deputies, 11 ; appears be- 
fore committee on credentials, 12; 
defends a large colonial deputa- 
tion, 14; deputy for S. D., 16 n. ; 
asked to proclaim freedom of 
slaves, 18; denounces the Minister 
of Marine, 31 ; letter from quoted, 
62; reads address from Cap Fran- 
cais (September 4, 1790), 65; in 
despair, 104; sends letter to con- 
stituents, 105. 

Gregoire, Abbe, defends mulattoes, 
32; thanked by Amis des Noirs and 
elected honorary member, 33 ; 
raises mulatto question, 55; de- 
nounced, 66; refused a hearing on 
the floor, 76; desires postponement, 



100; motion adopted, 101 ; opposed 
to new Instruction, 116; denounced 
by Barnave, 127. 

Gros Morne, Damas takes refuge at, 
80. 

Guadeloupe, location of, 1 ; deputies 
of admitted, 24-25; faction ridden, 
81 ; Instruction for, 122. 

Guiana, French, location of, 1 ; com- 
missioners to be sent to, 87; com- 
missioners for appointed, 89; In- 
struction for, 122. 

Harfleur, address from, 128. 
Havre, letter from to Massiac Club, 
23; petition from, 94; 125-126. 

He de Bourbon, location of, I. 
He de France, location of, 1. 
Instruction, to be sent to the colonies, 

52; reported on, 53; adopted, 56; 

arrives at Saint Marc, 61 ; the new, 

proposed, 82; purpose of, 87; 

groups of men interested in, 89; 

to be sent to the colonies, 116. 

Jacobins, Club of becomes radical, 
S3; dominates municipality of Bor- 
deaux, 94 n. ; at Angers, sends out 
circular letter, 96; addresses, 98; 
radical Jacobins, protest of, 100; 
arguments of, 101 ; on the alert, 
106; Club of Bordeaux sends ad- 
dress, 108; radical, occupied with 
King's trial, 118; thoroughly angry, 
120; Club of Havre, 125. 

Joly, de, retained as counsel by 
mulattoes, 22; presents request to 
President, 24; delivers address at 
bar, 25 ; appears before committee 
on colonies, 52. 

Juda, location of, 1. 

Karikal, location of, 1. 



INDBX 



165 



Lacheze, de, 47 n. 

Lachiere, Chabert de, deputy for 
Guadeloupe, admitted, 25 n. 

Lameth, Alexandre, desires a com- 
mittee on colonies, 44; motion 
adopted, 45; member of commit- 
tee on colonies, 46-47; friend of 
Barnave, 48; denounces an address 
from Brest, 127. 

Lameth, Charles, thanked by Amis 
des Noirs, 33; interferes in debate 
as peace-maker, 56. 

Lanjuinais, criticises Barnave, 128. 

Larchevesque-Thibaud, deputy for 
Santo Domingo, 16 n. 

Legardeur de Tilly, suppleant for 
Santo Domingo, 16 n. 

Leogane, place suggested for gen- 
eral assembly, 58; powder maga- 
zine at seized, 63 ; opposed to de- 
cree of May 15. 

Leopard, the, mutiny on board of, 
64; arrives at Brest, 69. 

Linguet, counsel for the Eighty-five, 
91. 

Lorient, battleships ready to depart 
from, 86; ships in the harbor of, 
114. 

Luzerne, La, Minister of Marine, 
approached by a colonial commis- 
sion, 8; denounced by Gouy 
d'Arsy, 31. 

Lyons, 94. 

Magallon, Comte de, member of a 
colonial commission, 7 n. ; so- 
called deputy for Santo Domingo, 
10 n. ; suppleant for Santo Domin- 
go, 16 n. 

Mahe, location of, 1. 

Malabar, coast of, 1. 

Malouet, advises mulattoes, 22; pro- 
poses change in decree of May 15. 



Marme, de, suppleant for Santo 
Domingo, 16 n. 

Martinique, location of, 1 ; deputies 
of admitted, 25; report of slave 
insurrection in, 30; revolution be- 
gins in, 39; report on, 44; affair of 
referred, 45; insurrection in, 66; 
hostile factions in, 77; 78; com- 
missioners to be sent to, 82; com- 
missioners sail for, 89. 

Massiac Club, organized, 17-18; col- 
aborates with deputies for Santo 
Domingo, 19; 20; intrigues of, 21; 
mulattoes appeal to, 22; letters to, 
23 ; opposed to de Curt's motion, 
28-29; thanks Blin for services, 
30; sends documents to committee, 
49; irreconcilable, 89; refuses to 
recognize committee on colonies, 
98. ^ 

Maury, Abbe, desires decision on 
slavery, 44-45 ; suppleant to com- 
mittee on colonies, 47; denounces 
independent spirit of colonists, 55. 

Miquelon, location of, 1. 

Minister of Marine, 18; denounced 
by Gouy d'Arsy, 31 ; sends letter 
of advice to Governor of Santo 
Domingo, 38; reports disturbances 
in colonies, 43 ; appears at the bar, 
114, 121. 

Mirabeau, opposed to large colonial 
deputation, 13-14; 19; 47 n. ; re- 
fused a hearing, 51-52, 76, 95. 

Missy, de, deputy for He de France, 
admitted, 25 n. 

Monneron, Louis, .deputy for pos- 
sessions in India, admitted, 25 n. ; 
demands a constitution for East 
Indies, 84; added to committee on 
colonies, 85, 123. 

Monneron, Pierre, deputy for He 
de France, admitted, 25 n. 



1 66 



INDEX 



Moreau de Saint-Mery, deputy for 
Martinique, admitted, 25 n. ; quoted 
on conditions at Cap Frangais, 36; 
desires to unify work of commit- 
tees, 83-84; 100; motion of lost, 
101 ; proposes decree guaranteeing 
slavery, adopted, 102-103; reads 
letter from Santo Domingo, 120. 

Mouville, Duval, suppliant for Santo 
Domingo, 16 n. 

Nairac, criticises committee on col- 
onies, 85-86; opposed to adoption 
of Expose, 106. 

Nantes, merchants of write to Mas- 
siac Club, 23; colonists disperse to, 
69; petition from, 94, 123. 

National Guards formed in Santo 
Domingo, 37. 

Noe, de, suppleant for Santo Do- 
mingo, 16 n. 

O'Gorman, suppleant for Santo 
Domingo, 16 n. 

Paris, conservative colonists resident 
at, 17; mulattoes in, isolated, 23; 
the Eighty-five agree to meet in, 
69; colonists in, 89, 98, 105, 106; 
King's flight from, 117. 

Paroy, Marquis de, receives petition 
from Santo Domingo, 7; appointed 
on colonial commission, 7 n. 

Patriote frangais, quoted, 33, 88. 

Payen de Boisneuf, member of com- 
mittee on colonies, 46; opposed 
mulattoes, 52. 

Pellerin de la Buxiere, member of 
committee on colonies, 46; opposed 
to mulattoes, 52. 

Perrigny, Marquis de, appointed on 
a colonial commission, 7 n. ; so- 
called deputy for Santo Domingo, 
10 n. ; deputy, 16 n. 



Perisse du Luc, added to committee 
on colonies, 123; resigns, 124. 

Petion de Villeneuve, thanked by 
Amis des Noires, 33; refused a 
hearing, 51, 76, 95; denounces a 
proposal, 84; considers the new 
Instruction binding, 116. 

Petits-blancs, class of, 1, 2; hostile 
to mulattoes, 35-36; in Martinique, 
40; disfranchised, 54; riots of, 63; 
riots in Martinique, 79. 

Peynier, Comte de, Governor of 
Santo Domingo, 37; protest of, 38. 

Peyrac, de, appointed to a colonial 
commission, 7 n. 

Pondicherry, location 01, 1. 

Port-au-Prince, assembly at dis- 
solves, 59; disorders at, 63; parish 
of sends delegates, 70, 89; opposed 
to decree of May 15. 

Provence, disturbance in, 9. 

Prugnon, helps to revise the Expose, 
109. 

Rabaut de Saint- Etienne, quoted, 113. 
Raymond. Julien, a mulatto, 2 n. ; 

quoted, 33. 
Redon, makes report on credentials, 

11. 
Roederer, opposed to adoption of a 

draft decree, 100. 
Regime, exterior, explanation of, 4; 

interior, 5, 21. 
Regnaud, motion of adopted, 106; 

denounces plotters, 112. 
Rennes, address from, 128. 
Report of committee on credentials, 

13. 
Rewbell, compromise measure of, 

adopted, 104; denounces deputies 

extraordinary of commerce and 

manufactures, 107; quoted, 120; 

121 ; an altercation with Barnave, 

128. 



INDEX 



167 



Reynaud, Comte de, receives petition 
from Santo Domingo, 7; appointed 
on a colonial commission, 7 n. ; so- 
called deputy, 10 n. ; suppleant, 16 
n. ; member of committee on 
colonies, 46; opposed to mulattoes, 
52; minority report of rejected, 54- 
55 ; hints at secession, 66 n. 

Robespierre, denounces proposal, 84; 
denounces Barnave and Lameth by 
name, 127. 

Rochefoucauld, Le, helps revise Ex- 
pose, 109; added to committee, 123. 

Roche fort, ships in the harbor of, 
114. 

Rouen, petition from, 94, 128. 

Rouvray, Marquis de, so-called 
deputy, 10 n. ; suppleant, 16 n. 

Saint Lucia, location of, 1. 

Saint Malo, letter from, 23. 

Saint Marc, general assembly of 
meet at, 58; assembly at opens ses- 
sion, 60; assembly of dissolved, 64. 

Saint Martin, congress at, 99, 102. 

Saint Pierre, location of, 1 ; port of 
entry, 39; news of Bastille arrives 
at, committee formed at to expel 
the Governor, 40; deputies of in 
colonial assembly, 41-42; 77-78; 
disorders at, 79; garrison at re- 
volts, 80. 

Saint-Simon, de, 47 n. 

Santo Domingo, location of, 1 ; col- 
ored races in, 2 n., 3 n. ; popular 
assembly in, 19; may secede, 37; 
disturbances in, 44; affair of re- 



ferred, 45 ; insurrection in, 66 
popular government in, 76; com 
missioners to be sent to, 87, 89 
deputies of sent letters, 105; let 
ter from Governor of, 118, 125 
opposed to decree of May 15, 129. 

Saintrac, Nadal de, deputy for 
Guadeloupe, admitted, 25 n. 

Senegal, location of, 1. 

Societe correspondent e des Colons 
frangais, organized, 17. 

Stoddard, 7, 22, 27 n. 

Suppleants, 16. 

Tennis court oath signed, 12. 
Thebaudieres, deputy for . Santo 

Domingo, 16 n. 
Thouret, member of committee on 

colonies, 46-47; impressed by 

speech of de Joly, 52. 
Tobago, location of, 1 ; disturbances 

in, 81 ; Instruction for, 122. 
Tracy, urges haste, 115; quoted, 121; 

added to committee on colonies, 

123 ; resigns, 124. 

Vaudreuil, Comte de, appointed on 

colonial commission, 7 n. 
Versailles, instructions from, 9 ; 

colonists appear at, 10, 17. 
Villeblanche, suppleant for Santo 

Domingo, 16 n. 
Viomenil, Governor ad interim of 

Martinique, 40; sides with planters, 

41-42; 77-78. 

Yanaon, location of, 1. 



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